a young man, tall, clean featured, and of quick intel- 281 282 THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH ligenee. The Whites killed his entire family, including his young sister, but Kulakov has preserved his mental balance and humanity.
Comparative order prevails in the Soviet institu- tions. The long queues so characteristic of Bolshevik managements are almost entirely absent. The natives have acquired method and efficiency; "from the example of the Americans," they frankly admit. There is scarcity of provisions, but the pyock is more equitable, distribution more systematic than elsewhere. The Communists are the dominant factor, but they are encouraging the cooperation of the other elements of the population. Experience has taught them to economize human life. Many former White officers are employed, even in responsible positions. Their services are very satisfactory, I am told; particularly in the schools they are of help. Even monks and nuns have been given opportunity to serve the people. Some art workshops are managed by former inmates of monasteries, still in their religious garb, sewing and embroidering for the children and instructing them in the art.
The orphan homes and asylums we have visited, unannounced, are clean and tidy, the inmates warmly dressed and of healthy appearance, their relations with the teachers very harmonious, even affectionate.
Speculation in food has entirely ceased. The old market place is almost deserted; only small articles of apparel are offered for sale. The distributing Soviet centers still have some of the provisions, mostly canned goods, left by the American Mission, which is remembered with respect, almost with regret. But considerable sentiment is felt against the English, who are charged with political partisanship in the civil struggle of the North. The story is told of the de- struction of huge supplies, sunk in the Dvina in the very sight of the starved population, by order of IN THE FAR NORTH General Rollins, who was in charge of the British evacuation.
The cordial cooperation of Kulakov and other Com- munist officials has enabled us to collect valuable material on the history of the Provisional Govern- ment of the Northern District. A pitiful picture it presents of Tchaikovsky, once the "grandfather of the Russian Revolution." Foreswearing his glorious past, he served as the vassal of Kolchak, whom he servilely acknowledged as the "Supreme Ruler of Russia." So impotent, however, was the role of Tchai- kovsky that his regime is contemptuously referred to as the "Government of Miller," the commander- in-chief of the counter-revolutionary forces which escaped to Norway soon after the British evacuation.
Though comprising but a small part of the popula- tion, the workers of Archangel (about 3,000 out of a total of 50,000) have played a decisive part in the history of the city and district. In the union gather- ings I have come in touch with intelligent proletarian groups whose independence and self-reliance is the key to the local situation. Far from "the center" and small in number, the Bolsheviki are vitally dependent on the labor element in the management of affairs. Party dictatorship has been mitigated by the actual participation of the toilers. Their influence is restrain- ing and salutary.
Betchin, the Chairman of the Union Soviet, personi- fies the history and spirit of the whole revolutionary epoch. Tall and stockily built, of plain speech and convincing honesty, he is typical of the Northern worker. In his person the Provisional Government had sought to suppress the rebellious element of the Archangel proletariat. Popular labor man and mem- ber of the local Duma, Betchin was indicted for treason. The central figure of the celebrated trial known by his name, he was condemned to a living 284 THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH death in the terrible prison at Iokange in the frozen North. But his conviction served to consolidate the wavering ranks against the Provisional Government; his name became the slogan of the united opposition. Its rising waves drove the Allies from Archangel and Murmansk, and abolished Tchaikovsky's regime.
With much difficulty I persuaded the modest Betchin to donate his picture and autobiographic sketch to the "revolutionary gallery" of the Museum. His friends informed me that upon his return to prison he insisted that his portraits be removed from the union headquarters. In appreciation of our mis- sion he presented us with the old crimson banner of the Soviet, battle-scarred in numerous campaigns.
"We are working in harmony with the several fac- tions in the unions," Betchin said. "The welfare of the people is our sole aim, and on that platform we can all agree, whatever our political predilections."
With a smile of indulgent reminiscence he admitted his former adherence to the Social-Democrats. "But we have no more Mensheviki here," he hastened to add; "we all joined the Bolsheviki long ago."
"The comrade from the center probably doesn't know how it happened," his assistant remarked. "Revolutionary life sometimes plays curious pranks. You see," he continued, "word had reached us that the Mensheviki and S. R.'s in Moscow had gone over to the Bolsheviki. We decided to do the same. That's how we happen to be Communists now. But the report later proved false," he concluded with a touch of disappointment.
"We have never regretted it," Betchin said soberly.
There is no direct railroad line between Archangel and Murmansk, and we are compelled to make the long journey back to Vologda in order to reach the Coast. In Petrosavodsk we learn that owing to the unusually IN THE FAR NORTH 285 severe snowstorms the trip cannot be undertaken at present. It is Christmas Eve; before the end of the year we are pledged to return to Petrograd. To our great regret the journey further north must be abandoned.
CHAPTER XXXVII EARLY DAYS OF 1 92 1 'The military fronts have been liquidated; civil war is at an end. The country breathes a sigh of relief. The Entente has ceased to finance counter-revolution, but the blockade still continues. It is now generally realized that the hope of near revolution in Europe is visionary. The proletariat of the West, involved in a severe struggle with growing reaction at home, can give no aid to Russia. The Soviet Republic is thrown upon its own resources.
All thoughts are turned to economic reconstruction. Communist circles and the official press are agitated by the discussion of the role of the workers in the present situation. It is admitted that militarization of labor has failed. Far from proving productive, as had been claimed, its effects have been disorganizing and demoralizing. The new part to be assigned to the proletariat is the burning problem, but there is no unity of opinion among the leading Bolsheviki. Lenin contends that the unions are not prepared to manage the industries: their main mission is to serve as "schools of Communism," with gradually increasing participation in the economic field. Zinoviev and his following side with Lenin and elaborate his views. But Trotsky dissents, insisting that the workers will for a long time to come be unfit to manage the industries. He demands a "labor front," subject to the iron dis- cipline of a military campaign. In opposition to this conception, the labor elements advocate the imme- diate democratization of industrial government. The exclusion of the unions from a decisive role in the economic life, they maintain, is the true cause of EARLY DAYS OF 1921 287 tKe deplorable situation. They are confident that the revolutionary proletariat, who has defeated all armed opposition, will also conquer the enemy on the eco- nomic field. But the workers must be given the oppor- tunity: they will learn by doing.
Throughout the country rages the discussion, on the solution of which depends the economic future Many of the Anarchists arrested in Kharkov on the eve of the suppressed Conference have been brought to Moscow. Some of them are in the Butirki; others are held incommunicado in the "inner jail" of the Tcheka. Volin, A. Baron, and Lea, the wife of my friend Yossif the Emigrant, are among them. Yossif is reported dead. With the consent of the Kharkov authorities, accompanied by two friends, he had gone to the Makhno camp to aid in arranging the conditions of agreement. On the way all three disappeared — killed, it is assumed, just as they en- tered a village that was being pogromed. There are rumors of Bolshevik responsibility for the tragedy, but I cannot believe them guilty of such treachery.
By the aid of Angelica Balabanova we intercede in behalf of the victims of the broken truce between the Soviet Government and Makhno. Almost all of them come within the Communist definition of ideini Anar- chists (of ideas); and Lenin had assured me that the Party is cordially disposed toward them. The efforts of Angelica have secured for me an appointment with Latsis, head of the "Department of Secret Operations" of the Veh-Tcheka, in charge of the cases. But calling at the agreed hour, I am informed that Latsis, aware of the purpose of my visit, had left orders not to admit me.
Still believing in the possibility of establishing more amicable relations between the Soviet Government and (•1 28& THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH the Anarchists, I appealed to influential Communists. The great task of rebuilding the country, I urge, neces- sitates mutual understanding and cooperation. But my Bolshevik friends scorn the suggestion as Utopian, though some of them are willing to aid in the libera- tion of certain individuals by serving as their "guar- antee." At last I decide to address myself to Lenin. In a written communication I present to him the situation and set forth the reasons — revolutionary, ethical, and utilitarian — for the release of the politicals in the interests of the common cause.
In vain I await a reply. The prison doors remain closed. More arrests take place in various parts of the country.
February is. — Peter Kropotkin died on the 8th instant. Though not entirely unexpected, the news came to me as a great shock. I hastened from Petro- grad to Dmitrov, where a number of personal friends of the dead man were already gathered. Almost the entire village accompanied the remains to the train bound for Moscow. Little children strewed the way with pine branches, and touching tribute was paid by the simple country folk to the man beloved in their midst.
The Soviet Government offered to take charge of the funeral, but the family of Kropotkin and his com- rades have declined. They feel that Peter, who throughout his life denied the State, should not in death be insulted by its attentions. The Funeral Com- mission formed by the Moscow Anarchist organiza- tions requested Lenin to permit the imprisoned comrades of the dead to attend the funeral of their friend and teacher. Lenin consented, and the Central Committee of the Party recommended to the Tcheka the temporary release of the Anarchists. Delegated by the Commission to arrange the matter, I was given EARLY DAYS OF 1921 289 opportunity to visit the prisoners in the Butirki. Over a score of them gathered about me, pale, martyred faces, with eager eyes and palpitating interest in the life they are deprived of.
In the "inner jail' of the Tcheka I was permitted to see A. Baron, the spokesman of the Anarchists imprisoned there. Accompanying me was Yartchuk, himself but recently released. "You'll probably be with us again soon," the magistrate remarked to him with a sardonic grimace.
Owing to the nationalization of all conveyances, printing facilities, and materials, the Commission has been compelled to apply to the Moscow Soviet to enable it to carry out the funeral program. After con- siderable delay, permission has been secured to issue a one-day, four-page in memoriam paper, but the au- thorities insist that the manuscripts — though exclu- sively devoted to appreciations of Kropotkin as scholar, man, and Anarchist — be submitted to censor- ship.
The Tcheka refused to release the Anarchist pris- oners without a guarantee of the Funeral Commission for their return. That guarantee secured, the Extraor- dinary Commission informed me that "upon examina- tion it was found that there are no Anarchists that could be freed." There followed an intensive exchange of "opinions" between the Moscow Soviet, in the per- son of Kamenev, its president, and the Tcheka, which has finally resulted in the solemn promise to permit all the imprisoned Moscow Anarchists to attend the funeral.
In the Hall of Columns in the Union House the remains of Peter Kropotkin lie in state. A continuous procession of workers, students, and peasants passes before the bier to pay the last tribute to the dead. Outside a vast mass is waiting to accompany the re- 2 9 o THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH mains to their resting place. All is in readiness; the requiem has been sung, the time set for starting has already passed. But the Anarchist prisoners have not come. Urgent inquiries at the Tcheka elicit contra- dictory information: the collective guarantee of the Commission is not satisfactory, we are told — the men refuse to attend the funeral — they have already been released.
It is past noon. The funeral is delayed. It is apparent that the Tcheka is sabotaging our agreement. We decide to protest by demonstratively removing the Government and Communist wreaths from the Hall. The threat of a public scandal quickly brings the au- thorities to terms, and within a quarter of an hour the seven prisoners of the "inner jail" arrive. We are assured that the Butirki Anarchists have been freed and will presently join us.* The long procession slowly winds its way to the cemetery. The students, arms linked, form a living chain on both sides of the great multitude. The sun is bright upon the hard, glistening snow. Black An- archist banners, interspersed with flashes of scarlet, flutter above like mournful arms of love.
A Kropotkin Museum is to be founded in memory of the great Anarchist scientist and teacher. The com- mittee of Anarchist organizations in charge of the undertaking has requested Emma Goldman and my- self to aid in its organization. Our further coopera- tion with the Museum of the Revolution has become impossible owing to the arbitrary attitude of the Ispart. Moreover, the Kropotkin work is of greater imme- diate importance and of stronger appeal to my sym- pathies. I have severed my connection with the Museum to accept the secretaryship of the Kropotkin Memorial Commission. •At the last moment the Tcheka refused to release them.
CHAPTER XXXVIII KRONSTADT Petrograd, February, 1921. — The cold is extreme and there is intense suffering in the city. Snowstorms have isolated us from the provinces; the supply of provisions has almost ceased. Only half a pound of unheated. At dusk old women prowl about the big woodpile near the Hotel Astoria, but the sentry is vigilant. Several factories have been closed for lack of fuel, and the employees put on half rations. They called a meeting to consult about the situation, but the authorities did not permit it to take place.
The Trubotchny millworkers have gone on strike. In the distribution of winter clothing, they complain, the Communists received undue advantage over the non-partisans. The Government refuses to consider the grievances till the men return to work.
Crowds of strikers gathered in the street near the mills, and soldiers were sent to disperse them. They were kursanti, Communist youths of the military academy. There was no violence.
Now the strikers have been joined by the men from the Admiralty shops and Galernaya docks. There is much resentment against the arrogant attitude of the Government. A street demonstration was attempted, but mounted troops suppressed it.
February 2J. — Nervous feeling in the city. The strike situation is growing more serious. The Patronny mills, the Baltiysky and Laferm factories have sus- •An exhaustive study of the Kronstadt tragedy, with the documents pertaining to it, will be found in the author's brochure, "The Kron- stadt Rebellion," published by Der Syndicalist, Berlin, 1922.
291 houses are 292 THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH pended operations. The authorities have ordered the strikers to resume work. Martial law in the city. The special Committee of Defense (Komitet Oboroni) is vested with exceptional powers, Zinoviev at its head.
At the Soviet session last evening a military mem- ber of the Defense Committee denounced the strikers as traitors to the Revolution. It was Lashevitch. He looked fat, greasy, and offensively sensuous. He called the dissatisfied workers "leeches attempting extortion" (shkurniki), and demanded drastic meas- ures against them. The Soviet passed a resolution locking out the men of the Trubotchny mill. It means deprivation of rations — actual starvation.
February 28, — Strikers' proclamations have ap- peared on the streets today. They cite cases of workers found frozen to death in their homes. The main demand is for winter clothing and more regular issue of rations. Some of the circulars protest against the suppression of factory meetings. "The people want to take counsel together to find means of relief," they state. Zinoviev asserts the whole trouble is due to Menshevik and Social Revolutionist plotting.
For the first time a political turn is being given to the strikes. Late in the afternoon a proclamation was posted containing larger demands. "A complete change is necessary in the policies of the Government," it reads. "First of all, the workers and peasants need freedom. They don't want to live by the decrees of the Bolsheviki; they want to control their own des- tinies. We demand the liberation of all arrested Socialists and non-partisan workingmen; abolition of martial law; freedom of speech, press, and assembly for all who labor; free election of shop and factory committees, of labor union and Soviet representatives."
March 1. — Many arrests are taking place. Groups of strikers surrounded by Tcheldsts, on their way KRONSTADT to prison, are a common sight. Much indignation in the city. I hear that several unions have been liqui- dated and their active members turned over to the Tcheka. But proclamations continue to appear. The arbitrary stand of the authorities is having the effect of rousing reactionary tendencies. The situation is growing tense. Calls for the Utchredilka (Constitu- ent Assembly) are being heard. A manifesto is cir- culating, signed by the "Socialist Workers of the Nev- sky District," openly attacking the Communist regime. "We know who is afraid of the Constituent Assembly," it declares. "It is they who will no longer be able to rob us. Instead they will have to answer before the representatives of the people for their deceit, their thefts, and all their crimes."
Zinoviev is alarmed; he has wired to Moscow for troops. The local garrison is said to be in sympathy with the strikers. Military from the provinces has been ordered to the city: special Communist regiments have already arrived. Extraordinary martial law has been declared today.
March 2. — Most disquieting reports. Large strikes have broken out in Moscow. In the Astoria I heard today that armed conflicts have taken place near the Kremlin and blood has been shed. The Bol- shevik! claim the coincidence of events in the two capitals as proof of a counter-revolutionary conspiracy.
It is said that Kronstadt sailors have come to the city to look into the cause of trouble. Impossible to tell fact from fiction. The absence of a public press encourages the wildest rumors. The official papers are discredited.
March 3. — Kronstadt is disturbed. It disapproves of the Government's drastic methods against the dis- satisfied workers. The men of the warship Petro- 294 THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH pavlovsk have passed a resolution of sympathy with the strikers.
It has become known today that on February 28 a committee of sailors was sent to this city to investi- gate the strike situation. Its report was unfavorable to the authorities. On March 1 the crews of the First and Second Squadrons of the Baltic Fleet called a public meeting at Yakorny Square. The gathering was attended by 16,000 sailors, Red Army men, and workers. The Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Kronstadt Soviet, the Communist Vassiliev, presided. The audience was addressed by Kalinin, President of the Republic, and by Kuzmin, Commis- sar of the Baltic Fleet. The attitude of the sailors was entirely friendly to the Soviet Government, and Kalinin was met on his arrival in Kronstadt with military honors, music, and banners.
At the meeting the Petrograd situation and the report of the sailors' investigating committee were dis- cussed. The audience was outspoken in its indigna- tion at the means employed by Zinoviev against the workers. President Kalinin and Commissar Kusmin berated the strikers and denounced the Petropav- lovsk Resolution as counter-revolutionary. The sail- ors emphasized their loyalty to the Soviet system, but condemned the Bolshevik bureaucracy. The resolution was passed.
March 4. — Great nervous tension in the city. The strikes continue; labor disorders have again taken place in Moscow. A wave of discontent is sweeping the country. Peasant uprisings are reported from Tambov, Siberia, the Ukraina, and Caucasus. The country is on the verge of desperation. It was confi- dently hoped that with the end of civil war the Com- munists would mitigate the severe military regime. The Government had announced its intention of eco- KRONSTADT 295 nomic reconstruction, and the people were eager to cooperate. They looked forward to the lightening of the heavy burdens, the abolition of war-time re- strictions, and the introduction of elemental liberties.
The fronts are liquidated, but the old policies con- tinue, and labor militarization is paralyzing industrial revival. It is openly charged that the Communist Party is more interested in entrenching its political power than in saving the Revolution.
An official manifesto appeared today. It is signed by Lenin and Trotsky and declares Kronstadt guilty of mutiny (tnyatezh). The demand of the sailors for free Soviets is denounced as "a counter-revolution- ary conspiracy against the proletarian Republic.'* Members of the Communist Party are ordered into the mills and factories to "rally the workers to the support of the Government against the traitors." Kronstadt is to be suppressed.
The Moscow radio station sent out a message ad- dressed "to all, all, all": Petrograd is orderly and quiet, and even the few factories where accusations against the Soviet Government were recently voiced now understand that it is the work of provocators...Just at this moment, when in America a new Republican regime is assuming the reins of government and showing inclination to take up business relations with Soviet Russia, the spreading of lying rumors and the organization of disturbances in Kron- stadt have the sole purpose of influencing the American Presi- dent and changing his policy toward Russia. At the same time the London Conference is holding its sessions, and the spreading of similar rumors must influence also the Turkish delegation and make it more submissive to the demands of the Entente. The rebellion of the Petropavlovask crew is undoubtedly part of a great conspiracy to create trouble within Soviet Russia and to injure our international position...This plan is being car- ried out within Russia by a Tsarist general and former officers, and their activities are supported by the Mensheviki and Social Revolutionists.
296 THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH The whole Northern District is under martial law and all gatherings are interdicted. Elaborate precau- tions have been taken to protect the Government institutions. Machine guns are placed in the Astoria, the living quarters of Zinoviev and other prominent Bolsheviki. These preparations are increasing gen- eral nervousness. Official proclamations command the immediate return of the strikers to the factories, prohibit suspension of work, and warn the populace against congregating in the streets.
The Committee of Defense has initiated a "clean- ing" of the city. Many workers suspected of sympa- thizing with Kronstadt have been placed under ar- rest. All Petrograd sailors and part of the garrison thought to be "untrustworthy" have been ordered to distant points, while the families of Kronstadt sail- ors living in Petrograd are held as hostages. The Committee of Defense notified Kronstadt that "the prisoners are kept as 'pledges' for the safety of the Commissar of the Baltic Fleet, N. N. Kusmin, the Chairman of the Kronstadt Soviet, T. Vassiliev, and other Communists. If the least harm be suffered by our comrades, the hostages will pay with their lives."
"We want no bloodshed," Kronstadt wired in reply. "Not a single Communist has been harmed by us."
The Petrograd workers are anxiously awaiting de- velopments. They hope that the intercession of the sailors may turn the situation in their favor. The term of office of the Kronstadt Soviet is about to expire, and arrangements are being made for the coming elections.
On March 2 a conference of delegates took place, at which 300 representatives of the ships, the garrison, the labor unions and factories were present, among them also a number of Communists. The Conference approved the Resolution passed by the mass-meeting the previous day. Lenin and Trotsky have declared KRONSTADT it counter-revolutionary and proof of a White con- spiracy.* RESOLUTION OF THE GENERAL MEETING OF THE CREWS OF THE FIRST AND SECOND SQUADRONS OF THE BALTIC FLEET Held March i, 1921 Having heard the report of the representatives sent by the General Meeting of Ship Crews to Petrograd to investigate the situation there, Resolved: (1) In view 01 the fact that the present Soviets do not ex- press the will of the workers and peasants, immediately to hold new elections by secret ballot, the pre-election campaign to have full freedom of agitation among the workers and peasants; (2) To establish freedom of speech and press for workers and peasants, for Anarchists and Left Socialist parties; (3) To secure freedom of assembly for labor unions and peasant organizations; (4) To call a non-partisan Conference of the workers, Red Army soldiers and sailors of Petrograd, Kronstadt, and of Petrograd Province, no later than March 19, 1921; (5) To liberate all political prisoners of Socialist parties, as well as all workers, peasants, soldiers, and sailors imprisoned in connection with the labor and peasant movements; (6) To elect a Commission to review the cases of those held in prison and concentration camps; (7) To abolish all politodeli (political bureaus) because no party should be given special privileges in the propagation of its ideas or receive the financial support of the Government for such purposes. Instead there should be established educational and cultural commissions, locally elected and financed by the Government; (8) To abolish immediately all zagraditelniye otryadi (Armed units organized by the Bolsheviki for the purpose of suppressing traffic and confiscating foodstuffs and other products. The irresponsibility and arbitrariness of their methods were proverbial throughout the country).
•The historic document, suppressed in Russia, is here reproduced in full.
298 THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH (9) To equalize the rations of all who work, with the excep- tion of those employed in trades detrimental to health; (10) To abolish the Communist fighting detachments in all branches of the Army, as well as the Communist guards kept on duty in mills and factories. Should such guards or military detachments be found necessary, they are to be appointed in the Army from the ranks, and in the factories according to the judgment of the workers; (11) To give the peasants full freedom of action in regard to their land, and also the right to keep cattle, on condition that the peasants manage with their own means; that is, with- out employing hired labor; (12) To request all branches of the Army, as well as our comrades, the military kursanti, to concur in our resolutions; (13) To demand for the latter publicity in the press; (14) To appoint a Traveling Commission of Control; (15) To permit free kustarnoye (individual small scale) production by one's own efforts.
Resolution passed unanimously by Brigade Meeting, two persons refraining from voting.
Petrichenko, Chairman Brigade Meeting. Perepelkin, Secretary.
Resolution passed by an overwhelming majority of the Kron- stadt garrison.
Vassiliev, Chairman. Kalinin and Vassiliev vote against the Resolution.
March 4. — Late at night. The extraordinary ses- sion of the Petro-Soviet in the Tauride Palace was packed with Communists, mostly youngsters, fan- atical and intolerant. Admission by special ticket; a propusk (permit) also had to be secured to return home after interdicted hours. Representatives of shops and labor committees were in the galleries, the seats in the main body having been occupied by Com- munists. Some factory delegates were given the floor, but the moment they attempted to state their case, KRONSTADT 299 they were shouted down. Zinoviev repeatedly urged the meeting to give the opposition an opportunity to be heard, but his appeal lacked energy and conviction.
Not a voice was raised in favor of the Constituent Assembly. A millworker pleaded with the Govern- ment to consider the complaints of the workers who are cold and hungry. Zinoviev replied that the strikers are enemies of the Soviet regime. Kalinin declared Kronstadt the headquarters of General Koz- lovsky's plot. A sailor reminded Zinoviev of the time when he and Lenin were hunted as counter-revolu- tionists by Kerensky and were saved by the very sailors whom they now denounce as traitors. Kron- stadt demands only honest elections, he declared. He was not allowed to proceed. The stentorian voice and impassioned appeal of Yevdakimov, Zinoviev's lieu- tenant, wrought the Communists up to a high pitch of excitement. His resolution was passed amid a tumult of protest from the non-partisan delegates and labor men. The resolution declared Kronstadt guilty of a counter-revolutionary attempt against the Soviet regime and demands its immediate surrender. It is a declaration of war.
March 5. — Many Bolsheviki refuse to believe that the Soviet resolution will be carried out. It were too monstrous a thing to attack by force of arms the "pride and glory of the Russian Revolution," as Trotsky christened the Kronstadt sailors. In the circle of their friends many Communists threaten to resign from the Party should such a bloody deed come to pass.
Trotsky was to address the Petro-Soviet last eve- ning. His failure to appear was interpreted as indi- cating that the seriousness of the situation has been exaggerated. But during the night he arrived and today he issued an ultimatum to Kronstadt: 3 oo THE BOLSHEVIK MYTH The Workers' and Peasants' Government has decreed that Kronstadt and the rebellious ships must immediately submit to the authority of the Soviet Republic. Therefore, I command all who have raised their hand against the Socialist fatherland to lay down their arms at once. The obdurate are to be dis- armed and turned over to the Soviet authorities. The arrested Commissars and other representatives of the Government are to be liberated at once. Only those surrendering unconditionally may count on the mercy of the Soviet Republic.
Simultaneously I am issuing orders to prepare to quell the mutiny and subdue the mutineers by force of arms. Responsi- bility for the harm that may be suffered by the peaceful population will fall entirely upon the heads of the counter- revolutionary mutineers.
This warning is final.
Trotsky,...Chairman Revolutionary Mititary Soviet of the Republic, Kamenev, Commander-in-Chief.
The city is on the verge of panic. The factories are closed, and there are rumors of demonstrations and riots. Threats against Jews are becoming audible. Military forces continue to How into Petrograd and environs. Trotsky has sent another demand to Kron- stadt to surrender, the order containing the threat: "I'll shoot you like pheasants." Even some Com- munists are indignant at the tone assumed by the Government. It is a fatal error, they say, to inter- pret the workers' plea for bread as opposition. Kronstadt's sympathy with the strikers and their demand for honest elections have been turned by Zino- viev into a counter-revolutionary plot. I have talked the situation over with several friends, among them a number of Communists. We feel there is yet time to save the situation. A commission in which the sailors and workers would have confidence, could allay the roused passions and find a satisfactory solution of KRONSTADT 301 KRONSTADT 301 the pressing problems. It is incredible that a com- paratively unimportant incident, as the original strike in the Trubotchny mill, should be deliberately provoked into civil war with all the bloodshed it entails.
The Communists with whom I have discussed the suggestion all favor it, but dare not take the initiative. No one believes in the Kozlovsky story. All agree that the sailors are the staunchest supporters of the Soviets; their object is to compel the authorities to grant needed reforms. To a certain degree they have already suc- ceeded. The zagraditelniye otryadi, notoriously brutal and arbitrary, have been abolished in the Petro- grad province, and certain labor organizations have been given permission to send representatives to the villages for the purchase of food. During the last two days special rations and clothing have also been issued to several factories. The Government fears a general uprising. Petrograd is now in an "extraor- dinary state of siege"; being out of doors is permitted only till nine in the evening. But the city is quiet. I expect no serious upheaval if the authorities can be prevailed upon to take a more reasonable and just course. In the hope of opening the road to a peace- ful solution, I have submitted to Zinoviev a plan of arbitration signed by persons friendly to the Bol- sheviki: