While gazing on the starry prodigies. - He used, however, to say (and I have often listened to him with pleasure), that for his part he thought that Zethus, in the piece of Pacuvius, was too inimical to learning. He much preferred the N eoptolemus of Ennius, who professes himself desirous of philosophizing, only in moderation; for that he did not think it right to be wholly devoted to it. But though the studies of the Greeks have so many charms for you, there are others, perhaps, nobler and more extensive, which we may be better able to apply to the service of real life, and even to political affairs. As to these abstract sciences, their utility, if they possess any, lies principally in exciting and stimulat- ing the abilities of youth, so that they more easily acquire more important accomplishments.
XIX. Then Tubero said—I do not mean to disagree with you, Lelius; but pray, what do you call more important studies? | Leelius.—I will tell you, frankly, though bet hApe you will * Two pages are lost here. 2 Both Ennius and Neevius wrote tragedies called “ Iphigenia.” Mai thinks the text here corrupt, and ay yi some doubt whether there is % Bs een here at all.: 300 ON THE COMMONWEALTH.
think lightly of my opinion, since you appeared so eager in interrogating Scipio respecting the celestial phenomena; but I happen to think that those things which are every day before our eyes, are more particularly deserving of our atten- tion. Why should the child of Paulus Amilius, the nephew of Aimilius, the descendant of such a noble family and so glorious a Republic, inquire how there can be two suns in heaven, and not ask how there can be two senates in one Commonwealth, and, as it were, two distinct peoples? For, as you see, the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and the whole system of his tribuneship, has divided one people into two parties. But the slanderers and the enemies of Scipio, en- couraged by P. Crassus and Appius Claudius, maintained, after the death of these two chiefs, a division of nearly half the senate, under the influence of Metellus and Mucius. Nor would they permit the man' who alone could have been of service, to help us out of our difficulties during the movement of the Latins and their allies towards rebellion, violating all our treaties in the presence of factious triumvirs, and creating every day some fresh intrigue, to the disturbance of the worthier and. wealthier citizens.—This is the reason, young men, if you will listen to me, why you should regard this new sun with less alarm; for, whether it does exist, or whether it does not, exist, it is, as you see, quite harmless to us, As to the manner of its existence, we can know little or nothing; and even if we obtained the most perfect understanding of it, this knowledge would make us but little wiser or happier. But that there should exist a united people and a united senate, is a thing which actually may be brought about, and it will be a great evil if it is not,—and that it does not exist at present we are aware; and we see that if it can be effected, our lives will be both better and happier.
XX. Then Mucius said—What, then, do you consider, my Leelius, should be our best arguments, in endeavouring to bring about the object of your wishes?
Leelius.—Those sciences and arts which teach us how we may be most useful to the state; for I consider that the most glorious office of wisdom, and the noblest proof and business of virtue. In order, therefore, that we may consecrate these holidays as much as possible to conversations : 1 He mcans Scipio himself.
ON THE COMMONWEALTH. 301 which may be profitable to the Commonwealth, let us beg Scipio to explain to us what in his estimation appears to be the best form of government. ‘Then let us pass on to other points, the knowledge of which may lead us, as I hope, to sound political views, and unfold the causes of the dangers which now threaten us.
XXI. When Philus, Manilius, and Sicinneibiod had all ant pressed. agape great approbation of this idea) * * 4 * TI have ventured [to open our discussion] in this way, not only because it is but just that on state politics the chief man in the state should be the principal speaker, but also because I recollect that you, Scipio, were formerly very much in the habit of conversing with Paneetius and Polybius, two Greeks, exceedingly learned in political questions, and that you are master of many arguments by which you prove that by far the best condition of govern- ment is that which our ancestors have handed down to us. And as you, therefore, are familiar with this subject, if you will explain to us your views respecting the general principles of a state, (I speak for my friends as well as myself,) we shall feel exceedingly obliged to you.
XXII. Then Scipio said—I must acknowledge that there is no subject of meditation to which my mind naturally turns with more ardour and intensity than this very one which Leelius has proposed to us. And indeed, as I see that in every profession, every artist who would distinguish himself, thinks of, and aims at, and labours for no other object but that of attaining perfection in his art,—should not I, whose main business, according to the example of my father and my ancestors, is the advancement and right administration of government, be confessing myself more indolent than any common mechanic, if I were to bestow on this noblest of sciences less attention and labour*than they devote to their insignificant trades? However, I am neither entirely satisfied with the decisions which the greatest and wisest men of Greece have left us; nor, on the other hand, do I venture to prefer my own opinions to theirs. Therefore, I must request you not to consider me either entirely ignorant of the Grecian literature, nor yet disposed, especially in political questions, to yield it the preeminence over our own; but rather to 1 There is again a hiatus. What follows is spilien by Leelius.
302 ON THE COMMONWEALTH.
regard me as a true-born Roman, not illiberally instructed by the care of my father, and inflamed with the desire of knowledge, even from my boyhood, but still even more familiar with domestic precepts and practices than the litera- ture of books.
XXIII. On this Philus said—I have no doubt, my Scipio, that no one is superior to you in natural genius, and that you are very far superior to every one in the practical expe- rience of national government and of important business. We are also acquainted with the course which your studies have at all times taken; and if, as you say, you have given so much attention to this science and art of politics, we cannot be too much obliged to Leelius for introducing the subject: for I trust that what we shall hear from you will be far more useful and available than all the writings put toge- ther which the Greeks have written for us.
. Then Scipio replied—You are raising a very high expecta- tion of my discourse, such as is a most oppressive burden to a@ man who is required to discuss grave subjects.
And Philus said—Although that may be a difficulty, my Scipio, still you will be sure to conquer it, as you always do; nor is there any danger of eloquence failing you, when you begin to speak on the affairs of a commonwealth.
XXIV. Then Scipio proceeded—I will do what you wish, as far as I can; and I shall enter into the discussion under favour of that rule which, I think, should be adopted by all persons in disputations of this kind, if they wish to avoid being misunderstood; namely, that when men have agreed respecting the proper name of the matter under discussion, it should be stated what that name exactly means, and what it legitimately includes. And when that point is settled, then it is fit to enter on the discussion; for it will never be pos- sible to arrive at an undérstanding of what the character of the subject of the discussion is, unless one first understands exactly what it is. Since, then, our investigations relate to a commonwealth, we must first examine what this name pro- — perly signifies.
And when Leelius had intimated his approbation of this course, Scipio continued:— I shall not adopt, said. he, in so ) clear and simple a manner that system of discussion which goes back to first principles; ON THE COMMONWEALTH. 303 as learned men often do in this sort of diseussion, so as to go back to the first meeting of male and female, and then to the first birth and formation of the first family, and define over and over again what there is in words, and in how many manners each thing is stated. For, as I am speaking to men of prudence, who have acted with the greatest glory in the commonwealth, both in peace and war, I will take care not to allow the subject of the discussion itself to be clearer than my explanation of it. Nor have I undertaken this task with the design of examining all its minuter points, like a school- master; nor will I promise you in the following discourse not to omit any single particular. | _ Then Leelius said—For my part, Iam impatient for exactly that kind of disquisition which you promise us. -XXY. Well, then, said Africanus, a commonwealth is a constitution of the entire people. But the people is not every association of men, however congregated, but the asso- ciation of the entire number, bound together by the compact of justice, and the communication of utility. The first cause of this association is not so much the weakness of man, as a certain spirit of congregation which naturally belongs to him, For the human race is not a race of isolated individuals, wandering and solitary; but it is so constituted, that even in the affluence of all things, [and without any need of recipro- cal assistance, it spontaneously seeks society]. | XXVI. [It is necessary to presuppose] these original seeds, as it were, since we cannot discover any primary establishment of the other virtues, or even of a commonwealth itself. These unions, then, formed by the principle which I have men- tioned, established their head-quarters originally in certain central positions, for the convenience of the whole popula- tion; and having fortified them by natural and _ artificial means, they called this collection of houses a city or town, distinguished by temples and public squares. Every people, therefore, which consists of such an association of the entire multitude as I have described,—every city which consists of an assemblage of the people,—and every commonwealth which embraces every member of these associations,—must be regulated by a certain authority, in order to be per- manent.; 7: This intelligent authority should always refer itself to that ’ 304 ON THE COMMONWEALTH.
grand first principle which established the commonwealth. It must be deposited in the hands of one supreme person, or entrusted to the administration of certain delegated rulers, or undertaken by the whole multitude. When the direction of all depends on one person, we call this individual a king; and this form of political constitution, a kingdom. When it is in the power of privileged delegates, the state is said to be ruled by an aristocracy; and when the people are all in all, they call it a democracy, or popular constitution. And if the tie of social affection, which originally united men in political associations for the sake of public interest, maintains its force, each of these forms of government is, I will not say ‘perfect, nor, in my opinion, essentially good, but tolerable, and such that one may accidentally be better than another: either a just and wise king, or a selection of the most eminent citizens, or even the populace itself (though this is the least commendable form), may, if there be no interference of crime and cupidity, form a constitution sufficiently secure.
XXVII. But in a monarchy, the other members of the state are often too much deprived of public counsel and jurisdiction; and under the rule of an aristocracy, the multi- tude can hardly possess its due share of liberty, since it is allowed no share in the public deliberation, and no power. And when all things are carried by a democracy, although it be just and moderate, yet its very equality is a culpable Jevelling, inasmuch as it allows no gradations of rank. There- fore, even if Cyrus, the king of the Persians, was a most axighteous and wise monarch, I should still think that the interest of the people (for this-is, as I have said before, the same as the commonwealth) could not be very effectually promoted when all things depended on the beck and nod of one individual. And though at present the people of Mar- seilles, our clients, are governed with the greatest justice by elected magistrates of the highest rank, still there is always in this condition of the people a certain appearance of servi- ‘tude; and when the Athenians, at a certain period, having demolished their Areopagus, conducted all public affairs by the acts and decrees of the democracy alone, their state, as it no longer contained a distinct gradation of ranks, was no longer able to retain its original fair appearance. | XXVIIL I have reasoned thus on the three forms of \ ON THE COMMONWEALTH, 305 government, not looking on them in their “disorganized and confused conditions, but in their proper and regular adminis- tration. These three particular fornis, however, contained in themselves, from the first, the faults and defects I have men- tioned; but they have also other dangerous vices, for there is not one of these three forms of government which has not a precipitous and slippery passage down to some proximate abuse. For, after thinking of that endurable, or, as you will have it, most amiable king, Cyrus,—to name him in pre- ference to any one else,—then, to produce a change in our minds, we behold the barbarous Phalaris, that model of tyranny, to which the monarchical authority is easily abused by a facile and natural inclination. And, in like manner, alongside of the wise aristocracy of Marseilles, we might exhibit the oligarchical faction of the thirty tyrants, which once existed at Athens. And, not to seek for other instances, among the same Athenians, we can show you, that when unlimited power was cast into the hands of the people, it inflamed the fury of the multitude, and aggravated that uni- versal licence which ruined their state.? t ‘ 9 XXIX. The worst condition of things sometimes results from a confusion of those factious tyrannies into which kings, aristocrats, and democrats are apt to degenerate. For thus, from these diverse elements, there occasionally arises (as I have said before) a new kind of government. And wonderful indeed are the revolutions and periodical returns in natural constitutions of such alternations and vicissitudes; which it is the part of the wise politician to investigate with the closest attention. But to calculate their approach, and to join to this foresight the skill which moderates the course of events, and retains in a steady hand the reins of that authority which safely conducts the people through all the dangers to which they expose themselves, is the work of a most illustrious citizen, and of almost divine genius.
There is a fourth kind of government, therefore, which, in my opinion, is preferable to all these: it is that mixed and moderate government, which is composed of the three par- ticular forms which I have already noticed.
XXX. Lelius.—I am not ignorant, Scipio, that such is your opinion, for I have often heard you say so. But I do 1 Again two pages are lost. DE NAT. ETC x 306 ON THE COMMONWEALTH: not the less desire, if it is not giving you too much trouble; to hear which you consider the best of these three forms of commonwealths. For it may be of some use in considering * XXXII. * * * And each commonwealth corresponds to the nature and will of him who governs it. Therefore, in no other constitution than that in which the people exercise sovereign power has liberty any sure abode, than which there certainly is no more desirable blessing. And if it be not equally established for every one, it is not even liberty at all. And how can there be this character of equality, I do not say under a monarchy, where slavery is least disguised or doubtful, but even in those constitutions in which the people are free indeed in words, for they give their suffrages, they: elect officers, they are canvassed and solicited for magis- tracies; but yet they only grant those things which they are obliged to grant whether they will or not, and which are not really in their free power, though others ask them for them? For they are not themselves admitted to the government, to the exercise of public authority, or to offices of select judges, which are permitted to those only of ancient families and large fortunes. But in a free people, as among the Rhodians -and Athenians, there is no citizen who? Chics, Om * XXXII. * * * No sooner is one man, or several, elevated by wealth and power, than they say that * * * _arise from their pride and arrogance, when the idle and the timid give way, and bow down to the insolence of riches. But if the people knew how to maintain its rights, then they say that nothing could be more glorious and prosperous than democracy; inasmuch as they themselves would be the ‘sovereign dispensers of laws, judgments, war, peace, public treaties, and finally of the fortune and life of each individual citizen; and this condition of things is the only one which, in their opinion, can be really called a commonwealth, that - is to say, a constitution of the people. It is on this principle that, according to them, a people often vindicates its liberty from the domination of kings and nobles, while, on the other hand, kings are not sought for among free peoples, nor are the power and wealth of aristocracies. ‘They deny, more- 1 Again two pages are lost. It is evident that Scipio is speaking » again in cap. xxxi, x * Again two pages are lost.
ON THE COMMONWEALTH: 307 over, that it is fair to reject this general ponstitution of freemen, on account of the vices of the unbridled populace; but that if the people-be united and inclined, and directs all its efforts to the safety and freedom of the community, nothing can be stronger or more unchangeable; and they assert that this necessary union is easily obtained in a re- public so constituted, that the good of all classes is the same; while the conflicting interests that prevail in other constitutions inevitably produce dissensions; therefore, say they, when the senate had the ascendancy, the republic had — no stability; and when kings possess the power, this blessing is still more rare, since, as Ennius expresses it— In_kingdoms there’s no faith, and little love.
Wherefore, since the law is the bond of civil society, and the justice of the law equal, by what rule can the association of citizens be held together, if the condition of the citizens be not equal? For if the fortunes of men cannot be reduced to this equality—if genius cannot be equally the property of all —rights, at least, should be equal, among those who are citizens of the same republic. For what is a republic, but an association of rights?’ * * * * ~ XXXII. But as to the other political constitutions, these democratical advocates do not think they are worthy of being distinguished by the name which they claim. For why, say they, should we apply the name of king, the title of Jupiter the Beneficent, and not rather the title of tyrant, to a man ambitious of sole authority and power, lording it over a degraded multitude? For a tyrant may be as merciful as a king may be oppressive; so that the whole difference to the people is, whether they serve an indulgent master or a cruel one, since serve some one they must. But how could Sparta, at the period of the boasted superiority of her political institution, obtain a constant enjoyment of just and virtuous kings, when they necessarily received an hereditary monarch, good, bad, or indifferent, because he happened to be of the blood royal? As to aristocrats, Who will endure, say they, that men should distinguish themselves by such a title, and that not by the voice of the people, but by their 1 Again two pages are lost.
308 ON THE COMMONWEALTH: own votes? For how is such an one judged to be best either in learning, sciences, or arts?! = * # * XXXIV. * * * If it does so by hap-hazard, it will be as easily upset as a vessel, if the pilot were chosen by lot from among the passengers. But if a people, being free, chooses those to whom it can trust itself—and, if it desires its own preservation, it will always choose the noblest—then cer- tainly it is in the counsels of the aristocracy that the safety of the state consists, especially as nature has not only appointed that these superior men should excel the inferior sort in high virtue and courage, but has inspired the people also with the desire of obedience towards these, their natural lords, But they say this aristocratical state is destroyed by the depraved opinions of men, who, through ignorance of virtue, (which, as it belongs to few, can be discerned and appreciated by few,) imagine that not only rich and powerful men, but also those who are nobly born, are necessarily the best. And so when, through this popular error, the riches, and not the virtue of a few men, has taken possession of the state, these chiefs obstinately retain the title of nobles though they want the essence of nobility. For riches, fame, and power, without wisdom, and a just method of regulating ourselves and com- manding others, are full of discredit and insolent arrogance; nor is there any kind of government more deformed than that in which the wealthiest are regarded as the noblest.
But when virtue governs the commonwealth, what can be more glorious? When he who commands the rest is himself enslaved by no lust or passion—when he himself exhibits all the virtues to which he incites and educates the citizens— when he imposes no law on the people which he does not himself observe, but presents his life as a living law to his fellow-countrymen; if a single individual could thus suffice for all, there would be no need of more; and if the com- munity could find a chief ruler thus worthy of all their suffrages, none would require elected magistrates.
It was the difficulty of forming plans, which transferred the government from a king into the hands of many; and the error and temerity of the people likewise transferred it from the hands of the many into those of the few. Thus, between the weakness of the monarch, and the rashness of Here four pages are lost, ON THE COMMONWEALTH, 309 the multitude, the aristocrats have occupied’ the middle place, than which nothing can be better arranged; and while they superintend the public interest, the people necessarily enjoy the greatest possible prosperity, being free from all care and anxiety, having entrusted their security to others, who ought sedulously to defend it, and not allow the people to suspect that their advantage is neglected by their rulers, For as to that equality of rights which democracies so loudly boast of, it can never be maintained; for the people themselves, so dissolute and so unbridled, are always inclined to flatter a number of demagogues; and there is in them a very great partiality for certain men and dignities, so that their equality, so called, becomes most unfair and iniquitous, ¥or as equal honour is given to the most noble and the most infamous, some of whom must exist in every state, then the equity which they eulogise becomes most inequitable,—an evil which never can happen in those states which are governed by aristocracies. These reasonings, my Leelius, and some others of the same kind, are usually brought forward by those that so highly extol this form of political constitution.
XXXV. Then Leelius said—But you have not told us, Scipio, which of these three forms of government you your- self most approve, Scipio.—You are right to shape your question, which of’ the three I most approve, for there is not one of them which { approve at all by itself, since, as I told you, I prefer that government which is mixed and composed of all these forms, to any one of them taken separately. But if I must con- fine myself to one of these particular forms simply and ex- clusively, I must confess I prefer the royal one, and praise that as the first and best. In this, which I here choose to call the primitive form of government, I find the title of’ father attached to that of king, to express that he watches over the citizens as over his children, and endeavours rather to preserve them in freedom than reduce them to slavery. | So that it is more advantageous for those who are insignifi- cant in property and capacity to be supported by the care of. one excellent and eminently powerful man, The nobles here present themselves, who profess that they can do all this in much better style; for they say that there is much more wisdom in many than in one, and at least as much faith and 310 ON THE COMMONWEALTH.
equity. And, last of all, come the people, who cry with a loud voice, that they will render obedience neither to the one nor the few; that even to brute beasts nothing is so dear as liberty; and that all men who serve either kings or nobles © are deprived of it. Thus, the kings attract us by affection, the nobles by talent, the people by liberty; and in the com- parison it is hard to choose the best.
Lelius.—I think so too, but yet it is impossible to despatch the other branches of the question, if you leave this primary point undetermined.
XXXVI. Scipio.—We must then, I suppose, imitate Aratus, who, when he prepared himself to treat of great things, thought himself in duty bound to begin with Jupiter.
Lelius.—Wherefore Jupiter? and what is there in this discussion which resembles that poem? ~ Scipio.— Why, it serves to teach us that we cannot better commence our investigations than by invoking him, whom, with one voice, both learned and. unlearned extol: as the universal king of all gods and men.
How so? said Leelius.
Do you, then, asked Scipio, believe in nothing which is not before your eyes? whether these ideas have been established by the chiefs of states for the benefit of society, that there might. be believed to exist one Universal Monarch in heaven, at whose nod (as Homer expresses it) all Olympus trembles, and that he might be accounted both king and father of all creatures; for there is great authority, and there are many witnesses, ‘if you choose to call all many, who attest that all nations have unanimously recognised, by the decrees of their chiefs, that nothing is better than a king, since they think that all the gods are governed by the divine power of one sove- reign; or if we suspect that this opinion rests on the error of the ignorant, and should be classed among the fables, let us listen to those universal testimonies of erudite men, who have, as it were, seen with their eyes those things to the knowledge of which we can hardly attain by report. ~ What men do you mean? said Leelius.
Those, replied Scipio, who, by the investigation of nature, have arrived at the opinion that the pre universe [is anis rome - a _— Mind? yaa voRh uk) VA | ' Here four pages are Yet PMs AS td ON THE COMMONWEALTH. 8r1 _XXXVII. But if you please, my Leclius, I will bring ated evidences, which are neither too’ ancient, nor in any respect barbarous.
Those, said Leelius, are what I want.
Scipio.—You are aware, that it is now not four centuries ‘since this city of ours has been without kings. Leelius.—You are correct, it is less than four centuries.
Scipio.—Well, then, what are four centuries in the age of ‘a state or city; is ita ‘long time?
Lelius.—It hardly amounts to the age of maturity.
Scipio.— You say truly, and yet not four centuries have elapsed since there was a king in Rome.
Lelius.— And he was a proud king.
Scipio.—But who was his predecessor?
Leelius—He was an admirably just one; and, indeed, we must bestow the same praise on all his predecessors, as far back as Romulus, who reigned about six centuries ago, Scypio.—Even he, then, is not very ancient.: Lelius.—No, he reioned when Greece was already becom- ing old.
Scipio. —Agreed. Was Romulus, then, think you, king of a barbarous people?
Leelius.— Why, as to that, if we were to follow the example of the Greeks, who say that all people are either Greeks or barbarians, I am afraid that we must confess that he was a king of barbarians; but if this name belongs rather to manners than to languages, then I believe the Greeks were just as barbarous as the Romans.
Then Scipio said—But with respect to the present question, we do not so much need to inquire into the nation as into the disposition. For if intelligent men, at a period so little remote, desired the government of kings, you will confess that | am producing authorities that are neither antiquated, rude, nor insignificant.
XXXVIII. Then Lelius said—I see, Scipio, that you are: very sufficiently provided with authorities; but with me, as. with every fair judge, authorities are worth less than ar guments.
Scipio replied—Then, Leelius, you shall yourself make use of an argument derived from your own senses.
. Leelius.—What senses do you mean?
312 ON THE COMMONWEALTH.
Scipio.—The feelings which you experience when at any time you happen to feel angry with any one.
_ Lelius.—That happens rather oftener than I could wish.
Scipio.—Well, then, when you are angry, do you permit your anger to triumph over your judgment?
No, by Hercules! said Leelius, I imitate the famous Ar- chytas of Tarentum, who, when he came to his villa, and found all its arrangements were contrary to his orders, said to his steward—é Ah! you unlucky scoundrel, I would flog you to death, if it were not that I am in a rage with you.’
Capital, said Scipio. Archytas, then, regarded unreasonable anger as a kind of sedition and rebellion of nature, which he sought to appease by reflection. And so, if we examine avarice, the ambition of power or of glory, or the lusts of concupiscence and licentiousness, we shall find a certain conscience in the mind of man, which, like a king, sways by the force of counsel all the inferior faculties and propensities; and this, in truth, is the noblest portion of our nature; for when conscience reigns, it allows no resting place to lust, violence, or temerity.
Lelius.—You have spoken the truth.
Scipto.—Well then, does a mind thus governed and regu- lated meet your approbation?
Leelius.—More than anything upon earth.
Scipio. — Then you would not approve that the evil passions, which are innumerable, should expel conscience, and that lusts and animal propensities should assume an as- cendancy over us?
Lelius.— For my part, I can conceive nothing more wretched than a mind thus degraded, or a man animated by a soul so licentious.
Scipio.—You desire, then, that all the faculties of the mind should submit to a ruling power, and that conscience should reign over them all?
Lelius.—Certainly, that is my wish..
Scipio.—How then can you doubt what opinion to form on the subject of the commonwealth? in which, if the state is thrown into many hands, it is very plain that there will be no presiding authority: for if power be not united, it soon comes to nothing.
XXXIX. Then Lealius asked— But what difference i is there, ON THE COMMONWEALTH. 313 I should like to know, between the ones and the many, if justice exists equally in many 4 And Scipio said—Since I see, my Leelius, that the authori- ties I have adduced have no great influence on you, I must continue to employ you yourself as my witness in proof of what I am saying.
In what way, said Leelius, are you going to make me again support your argument?
Scipio.—Why thus. I recollect when we were ite; at, Formie, that you told your servants repeatedly to obey the orders of more than one master only.
Leelius.—To be sure, those of my steward.
Scipio.—What do you at home? do you commit your affairs to the hands of many persons?
Leelius.—No, I trust them to myself alone.
Serpio.—Well, in your whole establishment, is there any other master but yourself?
Lelius.—N ot one.
Scipio.—Then I think you must grant me that as respects the state, the government of single individuals, provided they are just, is superior to any other.
Lelius.—You have conducted me to this conclusion, and I entertain very nearly that opinion.
XL. And Scipio said—You would still further agree with me, my Leelius, if, omitting the common comparisons, that one pilot is better fitted to steer a ship, and a physician to treat an invalid, provided they be competent men in their respective professions, than many could be, I should come at once to more illustrious examples, Lelius.—What examples do you mean?
_ Scipio.—Do not you observe that it was the cruelty and pride of one single Tarquin only, that made the title of ring unpopular among the Romans?
Lelius.—Yes, I acknowledge that, Scipio.—You are also aware of this fact, on which I think I shall debate in the course of the coming discussion, that after the expulsion of King Tarquin, the people was trans- ported by a wonderful excess of liberty. Then, innocent men were driven into banishment; then the estates of many indi- viduals were pillaged, consulships were made annual, public authorities were overawed by mobs, popular appeals took