rective is to introduce evolution as a conscious method, a goal to which everything focuses to a great unity. Heredity, varia- tion, recapitulation, natural and artificial selection, the strug- gle for existence, parasitism and retrogression, development histories, lessons from paleontology, etc., are perfectly practical themes when made concrete in the high school. There is no such correlation and coordination, no such lever of culture, nothing so educational, necessary, and, I believe, inevitable. Nor should it be restricted to the biological field where it is always implicit and irrepressible to even youthful minds that have begun to really think. The proper introduction to nature study in adolescence includes ether, nebulae, young and old worlds, rotation of cooling masses, and formation of orbits and systems, the geological strata, the ascending orders of life, the descent of man, his primitive modes of life, thought, and feeling, as taught by anthropology, the unfoldment of arts, industries, social life, culture, the stages of development of science and the great heroes of each, and finally the slow growth of morals and religion and their institutions. This view of the world is the greatest achievement of our race, re- establishes on firmer bases all the goods and truths men have striven and died for in the past, takes away nothing, gives back and enriches all that is worth while that was thought imperiled, gives all who teach it wisely and well new mission- ary zest for their work, and fires the heart and mind of youth. Its unprecedented pedagogic motive power is still for the most part unutilized. It is a new educational gospel just re- vealed and not yet proclaimed. Adequately taught it would revolutionize not only instruction in science but in every other department. The enthusiasm at new utilizations of natural forces, legitimate as it is, is a low thing compared with that felt when some great law or group of facts swings into its true place in the development history of the world. Of all pedagogic problems since the Renaissance the greatest and most pressing is now upon us, viz., to bring out these latent educational potentialities in effecting what Forel calls the next step in increasing the perfectibility of man.1 1 As I write comes a modest attempt to begin just this work in the earliest teens. Die Abstammungs Lehre im Unterricht der Schule, by W. Schoenichen. Leipzig, 1903. See also attempts by D. K. Shute, A. W. Bickerton, A. R. Dewar, C. Morris & Co.
ADOLESCENT FEELINGS TOWARD NATURE 231 Christianity not only depends on but recognizes the relig- ion of nature that underlies it in ever more conscious and still more unconscious ways. The sentiments on which the highest religion rests are best trained in children on the no- blest objects of nature. Natural theology once had, and is destined in new forms to have again, a great role in the intellectual side of religious training. So, too, in many sum- mer meetings, twilight services on hills or exposed to vesper influences, perhaps out of doors, are found to have wondrous reenforcements. Worship on a hill or mountain, at the shore, out at sea, under towering trees, or in solemn forests or flowery gardens, amidst harvest scenes, in moonlight, at midnight, at dawn, in view of the full moon, with the noises of the wind or streams, the hum of insects, the songs of birds, or in pastoral scenes, is purer and more exalting for these pagan influences set to the music of nature from which they all took their origin, than it can ever be in stuffy churches on noisy city streets upon the dull or familiar words of litany, sermon, or Scripture. Here, again, so-called " progress " has broken too completely with the past and forgotten the psychogenesis of religion, which has thus grown anemic, superficial, and formal. It is the old error of amputating the tadpole's tail rather than letting it be absorbed to develop the legs that make a higher life on land possible.
CHAPTER XIII SAVAGE PUBIC INITIATIONS, CLASSICAL IDEALS AND CUSTOMS, AND CHURCH CONFIRMATION I. Pubic initiation among Thlinkets, Metlakahtlans, Omahas, Hupas, Hopis, Zunis, Seris, Brazilians, Aztecs, Australians, Papuans, ancient inhabitants of India, Zulus, Pygmies, Bechuanas, Kosas — Circumcision once a wide-spread pubic rite — Its value and meaning. II. Ephebic education in ancient Greece and Rome — The use of song, poetry, myth, philosophy, physical and military training, antique music, ceremonies, higher education, politics, the toga virilis. III. The advent of youth in medieval knighthood. IV. Religious confirma- tion, its ceremonies and the ideas that underlie them, among (a) the Jews; (£) Catholics; (c) Russians; (d) Episcopalians; (e) Lutherans.
AFTEB the chapters on love and on the feelings for nature, and before considering the subjective religious changes at this stage of life, we must pause to describe the objective regimen to which youth have been subjected as they cross the threshold from childhood to maturity. The universality of these rites and their solemn character testify impressively to a sense of the critical importance of this age almost as wide as the race. Here education began and extended up toward more mature years and downward toward infancy almost in exact propor- tion as civilization and its luggage of cultures and skills in- creased. The functions of the teacher began genetically with the rude regimentations, tortures, mutilations, instructions often most antihygienic, and immoral ceremonies of these initiations to manhood, womanhood, and often at the same time to nubility, with almost no interval after the first physical signs of puberty, for the slow processes of maturation of body and soul. The progressive increase of this interval is another index of the degree of civilization, as is also the mitigation oi the primitive perversity of the early teacher to which in recenl centuries individuals and localities have often tended to relapse. Of the importance of this stage of transition, religion, which i< so preeminently conservative, has preserved the best and most adequate sense. It still maintains the idea that the great change SAVAGE PUBIC INITIATIONS is fixed, brief in time, radical in nature, and mediated to a greater or less extent by external pious offices. Secular and purely intellectual education, however, *has broken so radically with the consensus of the past as to retain no vestige of recog- nition of this great revolution, and hence natural interest, which is to the school what the Holy Spirit is to the Church or his Muse to the poet, has been ignored and even suspected, and motivations of utility, always of a far lower order, or else the pedagogic fictions of special disciplinary virtue inherent in indifferent or abhorred studies, which is the last resource of the baffled and belated conservatives, have been invoked in its place. Credo quia absurdum had some justification, be- cause the heart often needs what the head condemns. Doceo quia abhorrendum has none, and its analogies are with methods of the savage past, of which I now give the best samples, which might, however, be greatly increased in number. It would seem that among American aborigines the girl receives most attention, while in Africa and in the Eastern islands it is be- stowed upon the boy.
I. PRIMITIVE PEOPLE — (a) American aborigines. — In the life of the Thlinket there is almost nothing between childhood and adult age. " Youth, that delicious pause between infancy and maturity, has no place in his existence. At an age when our children are barely ready to lay aside pinafore and short trousers, Alaskan boys and girls are declared old enough to marry and begin life for themselves." l " The first great event in the Thlinket girl's life is her arrival at maturity." The old custom was to banish her for six months in a small out- house, from which she could not stir except after dark, when she must go with her mother, and wear a peculiar cloak or hood as badge of her condition. The daughters of the rich were imprisoned longer, but in larger huts, sometimes elegant, and with several girl friends. Sometimes a corner of a room was partitioned off for her by boards and blanket screens. During this isolation she was kept very busy early and late sewing squirrel skins into blankets, and weaving hats and baskets, to teach her industry and patience. On the first day., of her retreat, a tiny pin was inserted through her lower lip by a slave, who was then either freed or killed, according to the mood of his master. This, on the wedding-day, was changed to a labret. The first four days were a fast; then the mother brought a little grease and a tiny basket of water. The latter must be overturned three times 1 Thlinkets of Southeastern Alaska, by F. Knapp and R. L. Childe. Chicago, 54 234 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE before she could drink, to teach her self-denial. Then she could eat the grease and sip four swallows of water through the hollow bone of a stork's leg. Complimentary boxes of grease were also sent out to the chief families of the father's totem. Then followed another four days of fast, and then a regular diet of dried venison, fish, and pota- toes; but great care must be exercised, for fat meat would make her stout, clams lean, anything raw would make her die young, portions of the salmon would make her thoughts transparent. Should she dress her hair before the fifth day, it would come out. She must not move about much, lest she acquire habits of restlessness; must not talk much, lest she become a scold. Reserve, self-control, and the weigh- ing of consequences were emphasized. She soon took this life philo- sophically, and strove to fix all her thoughts upon rapid workman- ship and skilful weaving. Her prayers during this seclusion were very effective. When this period was over, the friends of the parents were invited orally " to see the girl behind the cloth." At this com- ing-out feast the daughter was introduced to the young men of the opposite phratry. Wealthy families made great potlatches. The de- butante was led out by her mother and girl friends, in a new calico dress, costly Chilkat blanket, and basket-woven conical hat with to- temic designs, silver and abalone rings in her nose, broad bands of silver from her wrists to her elbows, many rows of fancy beads about the ankles, and embroidered moccasins. She was mounted on a box. Conscious of looking her best, she met without flinching the gaze of the curious. If she were healthy and industrious, modest and re- served, spoke slowly, quietly, and moved deliberately, and especially if she had gained a reputation for unusual industry and skill, suitors abounded and she was very soon married.
" It was the custom among the Metlakahtlans to confine for one month in an isolated cabin girls when attaining the age of puberty, usually their thirteenth year. No one is allowed to see them during this time, and it is supposed they are away on a voyage to the moon or some other celestial abode, and at the end of the month they return to their people, amid great feasting and rejoicing." On these occa- sions, and when youth are initiated into the mysteries of Shamanism, dog-eating, devil-dancing, cannibalism, and the reckless giving away or destruction of property occur.1 The Omaha child was initiated into the tribe at three, but its in- dividual life did not begin till its mind had " become white," or till events are recalled with clearness and full detail. This comes at about the age of puberty, when the youth is " inducted into religious mysteries by a distinct personal experience acquired by the rite, Non- zhin-zhon, which brought them into what was believed to be direct communications with the supernatural powers. In preparation for this rite the Omaha youth was taught the tribal prayer. He was to sing it during the four nights and days of his vigil in some lonely place.
> The Story of Metlakahtla, by G. H. S. Wellcome. New York, 1887, p. 7.
SAVAGE PUBIC INITIATIONS 235 As he left his home his parents put clay on his head, and to teach him self-control they placed a bow and arrows in his hand, with the in- junction not to use them during his long fast, no matter how great the temptation might be. He was bidden to weep as he sung the prayer and to wipe his tears with the palms of his hands, to lift his wet hands to heaven, and then lay them on the earth. With these instructions, the youth departed to enter upon the trial of his endur- ance. When at last he fell into a sleep or trance and the vision came of bird or beast or cloud, bringing with it a cadence, this song became ever after the medium of communication between man and the mys- terious power typified in his vision, and by it he summoned help and strength in the hour of his need." The words of the prayer are ad- dressed to Wa-Kon-da, the power that makes and brings to pass and is: " Here, needy, he stands, and I am he." It is far older than the advent of Columbus. It is a cry voicing the climactic desire of the youth in his weary fast and vigil, as after long preparations he faces nature and the supernatural above. The melody is so soulful and appealingly prayerful that one can scarcely believe it to be of barbarous origin, yet what miracles may not religious feeling work! The boy is waiting, in fact, for a vision from on high, a revelation to be vouchsafed to him personally, and to show what his life is to be, whether that of a hunter or of a warrior, medicine man, etc.1 Miss Fletcher also writes me, May 16, 1903: "Among the tribes with which I am acquainted there are ceremonies at puberty, but they are rather simple. At maturity the parents of a girl make a feast, or else defer the feast until the time of some tribal gathering or festival. At this feast the girl is clad in gala dress, and makes many gifts to the guests. She stands beside her mother, and with her own hand offers the presents. The official herald sometimes proclaims this feast, and those who receive gifts shout or sing their thanks. By this act the girl takes her place among the mature; but in olden times she was not considered marriageable until she had mastered certain arts, as the tanning of skins, cutting and making garments and tents, etc."
The Hupa Indians of California have a somewhat elaborate cere- mony of initiating girls into maturity.2 At the dawn of first menstrua- tion the girl goes to one of the established bathing places in a creek near by, enters the water at once to her waist, throws it over each shoulder twice with her hands, returns to the house, stoops and puts out her hands, looks at the door, but does not enter. She then runs to another bathing spot about half as far from the house as the first, bathes, and goes back in the same way. Then she goes to a third place half the distance of the second. Returning from this last ex- cursion, she brings some wood into the house, which no girl can do 1 Alice C. Fletcher: Indian Story and Song from North America, 1900, p. 27 et seq.
1 Goddard: Life and Culture of the Huap, vol. i, p. 53 et stq.
236 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE before. She must not eat until this is done, and her chaperon gives her but one regular meal a day. She must go without drinking water for ten days, during which this ceremony is repeated, and must live upon acorn mush, dried eels, and salmon, but must eat no fresh fish. During all this time she must wear a dress made of the inner bark of the maple, shredded out and woven into cloth, such as those women who are training to be doctors always wear thereafter. She must never touch her hair or face, is dressed by the chaperon, and wears a sharp bit of bone about her neck, shaped something like a human nail, with which she may scratch her hair. If she touches it with her own nails they will decay and fall. During these days she must not look at the sky, must look no one in the face, least of all a man, and while in the house is covered with a blanket if a man enters. She must be very careful in her acts and words, for whatever she says or dreams during these ten days will come true, and she will ever afterward be what she was during her training. It is considered an honor to go through the entire period, and many are not able to stand the train- ing so long.
The second night, dancing begins. It is in the house, but the girl is covered with a blanket. In the dances the women sit around the wall, and the men shake and brandish sticks made of mock orange, split at the end so that they will rattle, and decorated with paint. When the men go out, at intervals of about an hour, the women sing. This lasts for nine nights. At the concluding session a special song is sung, which is not allowed at any other time, during which the blanket is held over the girl and struck with sticks. When the men leave at daybreak, the girl is uncovered and comes forth. Two women stand in front of the house, one hundred yards from it, facing each other, holding abalone shells high above them. As the girl comes toward them she whips herself over the shoulder with woven strands of maple bark like her dress. She approaches and then backs from the women, all the while whipping herself. When near them she leaps up and gazes into the shells, repeating this ten times for each woman. She has now seen the world of the immortals, and makes a final trip to the bath, followed by small boys, who try to make her look back. If they succeed, all the ceremony has to be begun again. When the bath is ended she is a free woman. Sometimes the dance is omitted. It is said that no such ceremonial is known for young men among this tribe.
Among the Crescent City Athabascan Indians a similar ceremony, with some variation, is established. There are usually two meals a day, although some eat but twice in the entire ten days; the less eaten, the better. Instead of bathing, the girl must swim, and before daylight, and that for four months. No man and not even a boy must be in the house when she eats. Her body is cut with sharp grass. Medi- cine is made over her food. She must now wear in her nose, which has been previously pierced, the feather of the yellowhammer. In the dance there are six very distinct motions. She must peep into SAVAGE PUBIC INITIATIONS 237 the house five times before entering, and walk up and down five times behind the door. Sometimes the dance is repeated at the advent of the second period. Every absentee must have an effigy representing him if he would live long. All is done with the strictest -solemnity and seriousness.
J. Walter Fewkes writes me, May 18, 1903: " The Hopi maid, at the time of her first menstruation, invites her girl friends to a family festival, which one often ' happens in upon ' in prowling about the pueblo. Naturally, the participants are very shy, and although I have occasionally seen the girls grinding corn in company — which is part of the festival — I have never been able to gather much about it except that it was elaborate and had secret rites. With the boys I suppose the flogging ceremony ' ay Powamu ' is practically a puberty rite."
James Mooney writes me, May 30, 1903: " From general acquaint- ance with Indian things I am inclined to think that practically every tribe has some puberty rite.for girls, and many of them for boys also. With boys the ' medicine dream/ in which the young man fasted, prayed, and kept vigil to obtain visions of his future guardian spirit, took the place of the puberty rite in some tribes. The Mescalews have a puberty dance for girls, a public coming-out ceremony. The Chey- ennes have a private purification rite for girls, which takes place within the tipi in the presence of certain old women, the girl stand- ing over a sort of burning incense while the prayers are recited. The Qutayu, an ancient incorporated tribe of the Cheyennes, had a puberty rite for boys, during which the young man was painted over his whole body with Indian red, which probably remained as a public notifica- tion of the fact until it wore off, the Qutayu men wearing only the G-string. The Cheyenne ceremony for girls was probably closely paralleled among most of the Plain tribes. The regular menstrual se- clusion and taboo for women seems to have been universal, and still exists in most tribes."
Mrs. M. C. Stevenson writes, September 25, 1903: " With the Zunis marriage usually occurs at very tender years, girls frequently marry- ing two years before reaching puberty; but should one not be married at the time she arrives at womanhood, her mother goes to the house of the paternal grandmother and informs her of the event. The grand- mother returns with the mother (if the grandmother is not living the paternal aunt fills the place), and the girl accompanies her grand- mother to her dwelling, where she labors hard all day grinding corn. When the girl returns to her home in the evening she carries a bowl of meat-stew prepared and presented by the paternal grandmother, who returns with her to her house. If a girl works hard at the dawn of her womanhood, she will not suffer pain at this period; should she be idle on the first day, she will always suffer from dysmenorrhea. This is the only occasion when a woman makes a point of exerting herself during menstruation. As a rule the women walk but little at this time; they are excused from carrying water from the well. This, 238 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE however, is not due to any particular weakness at this period, though the women do suffer to some extent. They employ themselves with indoor work (a Zuni woman is never idle), usually weaving or grind- ing, sitting at the loom or kneeling before their mills over heated sand spread thickly upon the floor. Their robes are brought up around their waists and blankets are fastened round their shoulders, falling loosely to the floor, covering all traces of the sand. [This custom has been largely discontinued since I secured the confidence of the women.] Extreme delicacy is observed by the women at this period. A heated stone is worn in the belt and a hot tea made of cedar is frequently drunk. The menses usually continue four days, but in some cases cease at the expiration of two or three days. The Zuni women are not segregated during this period. It is claimed that a certain root tea, which is drunk hot, will permanently suspend the menses after four months. The first two months the flow is said to be copious and of a very dark color, the third month the color is nor- mal, and the fourth month the discharge is almost colorless, after which the catamenia cease. Specimens of the root referred to were collected during the summer of 1902, and are now with the remainder of the plant collection in the National Museum for classification. I would add that this root is in the possession of certain old medicine men and women, who carefully guard the secret, that the young women may not procure the medicine and thereby render themselves incapable of becoming mothers."
W J McGee writes me, May 13, 1903: " There are elaborate (rela- tively, if not absolutely) puberty rites for girls in the Seri tribe, though I was unable to obtain much information concerning them from the Indians themselves, and none from any other source. So far as I can judge, these observances are of an importance proportionate to that of the mortuary observances over matrons or that of the marital regulations and ceremonies — indeed, so far as I could learn, the only collective ceremonies of such consequence as to bring together the several clans are the girls' puberty feasts. In certain cases, at least, bodily mutilations are suffered by females (e. g., the removal of the incisors, noted in Hrdlicka's description of the skeleton obtained by me), though I was unable to ascertain whether this is connected with puberty or with marriage ceremonials, which are in some degree in- terwoven."