Small 2 found the teacher a focus of imitation whence many in- fluences, both physical and mental, irradiated to the pupils. Every ac- cent, gesture, automatism, like and dislike is caught consciously and unconsciously. Every intellectual interest in the teacher permeates the class — liars, if trusted, become honest; those treated as ladies and gentlemen act so; those told by favorite teachers of the good things they are capable of feel a strong impulsion to do them; some older children are almost transformed by being made companions to teachers, by having their good traits recognized, and by frank apologies by the teacher when in error.
An interesting and unsuspected illustration of the growth of in- dependence with adolescence was found in 2,411 papers from the second to eighth grades on the characteristics of the best teachers as seen by children.3 In the second and third grades, all, and in the fourth, 1 Study of Boys Entering the Adolescent Period of Life. North- Western Mo., November, 1897, vol. viii, p. 248, and a series thereafter.
'The Suggestibility of Children. Fed. Sem., December, 1896, vol. iv, p. 2ir.
8 Characteristics of the Best Teacher as Recognized by Children, by H. E. Kratz. Fed. Sem., June, 1896, rol. iii, pp. 413-418.
386 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE ninety-five per cent specified help in studies. This falls off rapidly in the sixth, seventh, and eighth grades to thirty-nine per cent, while at the same time the quality of patience in the upper grades rises from a mention by two to twenty-two per cent.
Sanford Bell collated the answers of four hundred and fifty-three males and four hundred and eighty-eight females as to who of all their past teachers did them most good, and wherein; whom they loved and disliked most, and why. His most striking result is presented in a curve which shows that fourteen in girls and sixteen in boys is the age in which most good was felt to have been done, and that curves culminating at twelve for both sexes but not falling rapidly until fifteen or sixteen represent the period when the strongest and most indelible dislikes were felt. What seems to be most appreciated in teachers is the giving of purpose, arousing of ideals, kindling of ambition to be something or do something and so giving an object in life, encourage- ment to overcome circumstances, and, in general, inspiring self-con- fidence and giving direction. Next come personal sympathy and in- terest, kindness, confidence, a little praise, being understood; and next, special help in lessons, or timely and kindly advice, while stability and poise of character, purity, the absence of hypocrisy, independence, per- sonal beauty, athleticism and vigor are prominent. It is singular that those of each sex have been most helped by their own sex and that this prominence is far greatest in men. Four-fifths of the men and nearly one-half of the women, however, got most help from men. Male teachers, especially near adolescence, seem most helpful for both sexes.
The qualities that inspire most dislike are malevolence, sarcasm, unjust punishment, suspicion, severity, sternness, absence of laughing and smiling, indifference, threats and broken vows, excessive scolding and " roasting," and fondness for inflicting blows. The teacher who does not smile is far more liable to excite animosity. Most boys dislike men most, and girls' dislikes are about divided. The stories of school cruelties and indignities are painful. Often inveterate grudges are established by little causes, and it is singular how permanent and in- delible strong dislikes are for the majority of children. In many cases, aversions engendered before ten have lasted with little diminution till maturity, and there is a sad record of children who have lost a term, a year, or dropped school altogether because of ill treatment or partiality.
Nearly two thousand children were asked what they would do in a specific case of conflict between teacher and parents. It was found that, while for young children parental authority was preferred, a marked decline began about eleven and was most rapid after fourteen in girls and fifteen in boys, and that there was a nearly corresponding increase in the number of pubescents who preferred the teacher's au- thority. The reasons for their choice were also analyzed, and it was found that whereas for the young, unconditioned authority was gen- erally satisfactory, with pubescents, abstract authority came into marked predominance, " until when the children have reached the age of sixteen almost seventy-five per cent of their reasons belong to this SOCIAL INSTINCTS AND INSTITUTIONS class, and the children show themselves able to extend the idea of authority without violence to their sense of justice."
VII. Wider irradiations to adult ideals and plans for life. On a basis of 1,400 papers answering the question whom, of any one ever heard or read of, they would like to resemble, Barnes J found that girls' ideals were far more often found in the immediate circle of their acquaintance than boys, and that those within that circle were more often in their own family, but that the tendency to go outside their personal knowledge and choose historical and public characters was greatly augmented at puberty, when also the heroes of philan- thropy showed marked gain in prominence. Boys rarely chose women as their ideals, but in America, half the girls at eight and two-thirds at eighteen chose male characters. The range of important women *ideals among the girls was surprisingly small. Barnes fears that if from the choice of relatives as ideals, the expansion to remote or world heroes is too fast, it may " lead to disintegration of character and reckless liv- ing." " If, on the other hand, it is expanded too slowly we shall have that arrested development which makes good ground in which to grow stupidity, brutality, and drunkenness — the first fruits of a sluggish and self-contained mind." " No one can consider the regularity with which local ideals die out and are replaced by world ideals without feeling that he is in the presence of law-abiding forces," and this emphasizes the fact that the teacher or parent does not work in a world governed by caprice.
The compositions written by thousands of children in New York on what they wanted to do when they were grown up were collated by Dr. Thurber.2 The replies were serious, and showed that poor children looked forward willingly to severe labor and the increased earnestness of adolescent years, and the better answers to the question why were noteworthy. All anticipated giving up the elastic joyousness of childhood and felt the need of patience. Up to ten there was an increase in the number of those who had two or more desires. This number declined rapidly at eleven, rose as rapidly at twelve, 1 Children' 8 Ideals. Fed. Sem., April, 1900, vol. vii, pp. 3-12. « Trans, of the 111. Soc. for Child Study, vol. ii, No. 2, p. 41.
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE and slowly fell later. Preferences for a teacher's life exceeded in girls up to nine, fell rapidly at eleven, increased slightly the next year, and declined thereafter. The ideal of becoming a dressmaker and milliner increased till ten, fell at eleven, rose rapidly to a maximum at thirteen, when it eclipsed teaching, and then fell permanently again. The professions of clerk and stenographer showed a marked rise from eleven and a half. The number of boys wrho chose the father's occupation attained its maximum at nine and its minimum at twelve, with a slight rise to fourteen, when the survey ended. The ideal of trades- man culminated at eight, with a second rise at thirteen. The reason " to earn money " reached its high maximum of fifty per cent at twelve, and fell very rapidly. The reason " be- cause I like it " culminated at ten and fell steadily thereafter. The motive that influenced the choice of a profession and which was altruistic toward parents or for their benefit cul- minated at twelve and a half, and then declined. The desire for character increased somewhat throughout, but rapidly after twelve, and the impulse to do good to the world, which had risen slowly from nine, mounted sharply after thirteen. Thus, " at eleven all the ideas and tendencies are increasing toward a maximum. At twelve we find the altruistic desires for the welfare of parents, the reason ' to earn money '; at thirteen the desire on the part of the girls to be dressmakers, also to be clerks and stenographers. At fourteen culminates the desire for a business career in bank or office among the boys, the consciousness of life's uncertainties which appeared first at twelve, the desire for character, and the hope of doing the world good."
"What would you like to be in an imaginary new city? " was a question answered by 1,234 written papers.1 One hun- dred and fourteen different occupations were given; that of teacher led with the girls at every age except thirteen and fourteen, when dressmaker and milliner took precedence. The motive of making money led among the boys at every age except fourteen and sixteen, when occupations chosen because they were liked led. The greatest number of those who chose 1 Children's Ambitions, by H. M. Willard. Barnes's Studies in Education, SOCIAL INSTINCTS AND INSTITUTIONS 389 the parents' occupation was found at thirteen, but from that age it steadily declined and independent choice came into prominence. The maximum of girls who chose parental voca- tions was at fourteen. Motives of philanthropy reached nearly their highest point in girls and boys at thirteen.
Jegi 1 obtained letters addressed to real or imaginary friends from three thousand German children in Milwaukee, asking what they desired to do when they grew up, and why, and tabulated returns from two hundred boys and two hundred girls for each age from eight to fourteen inclusive. He also found a steadily decreasing influence of relatives to thirteen; early adolescence increased in the personal motive of choosing an occupation because it was liked, while from twelve in boys and thirteen in girls the consideration of finding easy vocations grew rapidly strong. • L. W. Kline 2 studied by the census method returns from 2,594 children, who were asked what they wished to be and do. He found that in naming both ideals and occupations girls were more conservative than boys, but more likely to give a reason for their choice. In this respect country chil- dren resembled boys more than city children. Country boys were more prone to inattention, were more independent and able to care for themselves, suggesting that the home life of the country child is more effective in shaping ideals and character than that of the city child. Industrial occupa- tions are preferred by the younger children, the profes- sional and technical pursuits increasing with age. Judg- ments of rights and justice with the young are more prone to issue from emotional rather than from intellectual pro- cesses. Country children seem more altruistic than those in the city, and while girls are more sympathetic than boys, they are also more easily prejudiced. Many of these returns bear unmistakable marks that in some homes and schools moralization has been excessive and has produced a sentimental type of morality and often a feverish desire to express ethical views instead of trusting to suggestion. Children are very prone to have one code of ideals for themselves and another 1 Trans, of the 111. Soc. for Child Study, vol. iii, No. 3, p. 131.
1 A Study in Juvenile Ethics. Fed. Sem., June, 1903, vol. x, p. 239 ft seq.
39° THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE for others. Boys, too, are more original than girls, and country children more than city children.
Friedrich l asked German school children what person they chose as their pattern. The result showed differences of age, sex, and creed. First of all came characters in history, which seemed to show that this study for children of the sixth and seventh grades was essentially ethical or a training of mood and disposition (Gesinnungsunterricht), and this writer suggests reform in this respect. He seems to think that the chief purpose of history for this age should be ethical. Next came the influence of the Bible, although it was plain that this was rather in spite of the catechism and the method of memoriter work. Here, too, the immediate environment at this age furnished few ideals (four and one-fifth per cent), for children seem to have keener eyes for the faults than for the virtues of those near them. Religion, therefore, should chiefly be directed to the Gemilth and not to the understanding. This census also suggested more care that the reading of chil- dren should contain good examples in their environment, and also that the matter of instruction should be more fully adapted to the conditions of sex.
Friedrich found as his chief age result that children of the seventh or older class in the German schools laid distinctly greater stress upon characters distinguished by bravery and courage than did the children of the sixth grade, while the latter more frequently selected characters illustrating piety and holiness. The author divided his characters into thirty- five classes, illustrating qualities, and found that national activity led, with piety a close second; that then came in order those illustrating firmness of faith, bravery, modesty, and chastity; then pity and sympathy, industry, goodness, pa- tience, etc.
Taylor, Young, Hamilton, Chambers, and others, have also collected interesting data on what children and young people hope to be, do, whom they would like to be, or resemble, etc. Only a few at adolescence feel themselves so good or happy that they are content to be themselves. Most show more or 1 Die Ideale der Kinder. Zeits. f. Pad. Psychologic und Pathologic, vol.
SOCIAL INSTINCTS AND INSTITUTIONS 39 l less discontent at their lot. From six to eleven or twelve the number who find their ideals among their acquaintances falls off rapidly, and historical characters rise to a maximum at or before the earliest teens. From eleven or twelve on into the middle teens contemporary ideals increase steadily. London children are more backward in this expansion of ideals than Americans, while girls choose more acquaintance ideals at all ages than do boys. The expansion these authors also trace largely to the study of history. The George Washington ideal, which leads all the rest by far and is greatly overworked, in contrast with the many heroes of equal rank found in Eng- land, pales soon, as imperfections are seen, and those now making history loom up. This is the normal age to free from bondage to the immediate present, and this freedom is one measure of education. Bible heroes are chosen as ideals by only a very small percentage, mostly girls, far more charac- ters being from fiction and mythology; where Jesus is chosen, his human is preferred to his divine side. Again, it would seem that teachers would be ideals, especially as many girls intend to teach, but they are generally unpopular as choices. In an ideal system they would be the first step in expansion from home ideals. Military heroes and inventors play leading roles in the choices of pubescent boys.
Girls at all school ages and increasingly up the grades pre- fer foreign ideals, to be the wife of a man of title, as aristoc- racies offer special opportunities for woman to shine, and life near the source of fashion is very attractive at least up to sixteen. The saddest fact in these studies is that nearly half our American pubescent girls choose male ideals, or would be men, or nearly three times as many as in England. Girls, too, have from six to fifteen times as many ideals as boys. In this significant fact we realize how modern woman has cut loose from all old moorings and is drifting with no destination and no anchor aboard. While her sex has multiplied in all lower and high school grades, its ideals are still too mascu- line. Text-books teach little about women. When a woman's Bible, history, course of study, etc., is proposed, her sex fears it may reduce her to the old servitude. While boys rarely, and then only when very young, choose female ideals, girls' prefer- ence for the life of the other sex sometimes reaches sixty and 392 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE seventy per cent. The divorce between the life preferred and that demanded by the interests of the race is often absolute. Saddest and most unnatural of all is the fact that this state of things increases most rapidly during just those years when ideals of womanhood should be developed and become most dominant, till it seems as if the female character was threatened with disintegration. While statistics are not yet sufficient to be reliable on the subject, there is some indication that woman later slowly reverts toward ideals not only from her own sex but also from the circle of her own acquaintances.
The reasons for the choice of ideals are various and not yet well determined. Civic virtues certainly rise; material and utilitarian considerations do not seem to much, if at all, at adolescence, and in some data decline. Position, fame, honor, and general greatness increase rapidly, but moral qualities rise highest and also fastest just before and near puberty and continue to increase later yet. By these choices both sexes, but girls far most, show increasing admiration of ethical and social qualities. Artistic and intellectual traits also rise quite steadily from ten or eleven onward, but with no such rapidity, and reach no such height as military ability and achievement for boys. Striking in these studies is the rapid increase, especially from eight to fourteen, of the sense of historic time for historic persons. Those long since dead are no longer spoken of as now living. Most of these choices are direct expressions of real differences of taste and character.
VIII. Property, Kline and France l have defined as " any- thing that the individual may acquire which sustains and pro- longs life, favors survival, and gives an advantage over op- posing forces." Many animals and even insects store up food both for themselves and for their young. Very early in life children evince signs of ownership. Letourneau 2 says that the notion of private property, which seems to us so natural, dawned late and slowly, and that common ownership was the rule among primitive people. Value is sometimes measured by use and sometimes by the work required to produce it. Be- »The Psychology of Ownership. Ped. Sem., December, 1899, vol. vi, pp.
9 Property: Its Origin and Development. London, 1892.
SOCIAL INSTINCTS AND INSTITUTIONS fore puberty, there is great eagerness to possess things that are of immediate service, but after its dawn, the desire of pos- session takes another form, and money for its own sake, which is at first rather an abstraction, comes to be respected or re- garded as an object of extreme desire, because it is seen to be the embodiment of all values.
The money sense, as it is now often called, is very complex and has not yet been satisfactorily analyzed by psychology. Ribot and others trace its origin to prevision which they think animals that hoard food feel. Monroe1 has tabulated returns from 977 boys and 1,090 girls from six to sixteen in answer to the question as to what they would do with a small monthly allowance. The following table shows the marked increase at the dawn of adolescence of the number who would save it: Age.
Boys.
Girls.
Age.
Boys.
Girls.
. 43 per cent •36 per cent 64 per cent Hii..
This tendency to thrift is strongest in boys, and both sexes often show the tendency to moralize that is so strong in the early teens. Much of our school work in arithmetic is dominated by the money sense, and school savings-banks, at first for the poor, are now extend- ing to children of all classes. This sense tends to prevent pauperism, prodigality, is an immense stimulus to the imagination and develops purpose to pursue a distant object for a long time. To see all things and values in terms of money has, of course, its pedagogic and ethical limitations, but there is a stage where it is a great educational advance and it, too, is full of phylogenetic suggestions.
IX. Social judgment, cronies, solitude. The two follow- ing observations afford a glimpse of the development of moral judgments. From one thousand boys and one thousand girls of each age from six to sixteen who answered the question as to what should be done to a girl with a new box of paints who beautified the parlor chairs with them with a wish to please her mother, the following conclusion was drawn.2 Most of the younger children would whip the girl, but from fourteen 1 Money-Sense of Children. Will S. Monroe. Fed. Sem., March, 1899, vol. vi, " A Study of Children's Rights, as Seen by Themselves, by M. E. Schallenberger. Fed. Sem., October, 1894, vol. iii, pp. 87-96.
394 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE on the number declines very rapidly. Few of the young chil- dren suggest explaining why it was wrong, while at twelve, one hundred and eighty-one, and at sixteen, seven hundred and fifty-one, would explain. The motive of the younger chil- dren in punishment is revenge; with the older ones that of preventing a repetition of the act comes in; and higher and later comes the purpose of reform. With age comes also a marked distinction between the act and its motive and a sense of the girl's ignorance. Only the older children would suggest extracting a promise not to offend again. Thus with puberty comes a change of view-point from judging actions by results to judging by motives, and only the older ones see that wrong can be done if there are no bad consequences. There is also a great development of the quality of mercy with increased years.
One hundred children of each sex and age between six and sixteen were asked what they would do with a burglar, the question stating that the penalty was five years in prison.1 Of the younger children nearly nine-tenths ignored the law and fixed upon some other penalty, but from twelve years there is a steady advance in those who would inflict the legal penalty, while at sixteen, seventy-four per cent would have the criminal punished according to law. Thus " with the dawn of adolescence at the age of twelve or shortly after comes the recogni- tion of a larger life, a life to be lived in common with others, and with this recognition the desire to sustain the social code made for the common welfare," and punishment is no longer regarded as an in- dividual and arbitrary matter.
From another question answered by 1,914 children2 it was found that with the development of the psychic faculties in youth, there was an increasing appreciation of punishment as preventive; an increasing sense of the value of individuality and of the tendency to demand protection of personal rights; a change from a sense of justice based on feeling and on faith in authority to that based on reason and under- standing. Children's attitude toward punishment for weak time sense, tested by 2,536 children from six to sixteen,3 showed also a marked pubescent increase in the sense of the need of the remedial function of punishment as distinct from the view of it as vindictive, or getting even, 1 Children's Attitude toward Law, by E. M. Darrah. Barnes's Studies in Edu- 2 Class Punishment, by Caroline Frear. Barnes's Studies in Education, pp.
8 Children's Attitude toward Punishment for Weak Time Sense, by D. S. Sned den. Barnes's Studies in Education, pp. 344-351.
SOCIAL INSTINCTS AND INSTITUTIONS 395 common in earlier years. There is also a marked increase in discrimi- nating the kinds and degrees of offenses; in taking account of miti- gating circumstances, the inconvenience caused others, the involuntary nature of the offense and the purpose of the culprit. All this continues to increase up to sixteen, where these studies leave the child.
An interesting effect of the social instinct appears in August Mayer's a elaborate study made upon fourteen boys in the fifth and sixth grade of a Wiirzburg school to determine whether they could work better together or alone. The tests were in dictation, mental and written arithmetic, memory, and Ebbinghaus's combination exercises, and all were given with every practicable precaution to make the other conditions uniform. The conclusions demonstrate the advantages of collective over individual instruction. Under the former condition, emulation is stronger and work more rapid and better in quality. From this it is inferred that pupils should not be grouped according to ability, for the dull are most stimulated by the presence of the bright, the bad by the good, etc. Thus work at home is prone to deteriorate, and ex- perimental pedagogy shows that the social impulse is on the whole a stronger spur for boys of eleven or twelve than the absence of distrac- tion which solitude brings.