r § 255. Thus the increasing mutual dependence, common to both kinds of organization as they evolve, necessitates 568 THE INDUCTIONS 09 SOCIOLOOY.
a farther series of remarkable paraHelismR. Oo-operation being in either case impossible without appliances by which the co-operating parts shall have their actions adjusted, it inevitably happens that in the body politic, as in the livings body, there arises a regulating system; and within itself this difEerentiates as the sets of organs evolve.
The co-operation most urgent from the outset, is thai required for dealing with environing enemies and prey* Hence the first regulating centre, individual and social, is initiated as a means to this co-operation; and its deve* lopment progresses with the activity of this co-operation. As compound aggregates are formed by integration of simple ones, there arise in either case supreme regulating centres and subordinate ones; and the supreme centres begin to enlarge and complicate. While doubly-compound and trebly-compound aggregates show us further develop- ments in complication and subordination, they show us, also, better intemuncial appliances, ending in those which convey instant information and instant command.
To this chief regulating system controlling the organs which carry on outer actions, there is, in either case, added daring the progress of evolution, a reg^ulating system for the iimer orgaM carrying on sustentation j and this g«dnaUy establishes itself as independent* Naturally it comes later than the other. Preservation of the aggregate, individual or social, primarily depends on escaping destruction fiom without, which implies complex oo-ordination: complete utilization of materials for sustentation being less urgent and implying co-ordinaiion relatively simple. Hence ilie sustaining system acquires reg^ulating appliances later* And then the third or distributing system, which, though necessarily arising after the others is indispensable to the considerable development of them, eventually gets a re- gulating apparatus peculiar to itself.
CHAPTER X.
SOCIAL TTFES AND 00NSTITUTI0K9.
$ 256. A QLANCB at the respective antecedents of indivi- dual organisms and social organisms^ shows why the last admit of no such definite classification as the first. Through a thousand generations a species of plant or animal leads Bubstantiallj the same kind of life; and its successive mem« bers inherit the acquired adaptations. When changed con- ditions cause divergences of forms once alike^ the accumu- lating differences arising in descendants only superficially disguise the original identity-— do not prevent the grouping of the several species into a genus; nor do wider diver* gences that began earlier^ prevent the grouping of genera into orders and orders into classes. It is otherwise with societies. Hordes of primitive men, dividing and sub- dividing, do, indeed, show us successions of small social aggregates leading like Uves, inheriting such low struc- tures as had resulted, and repeating those structures. But higher social aggregates propagate their respective types in much less decided ways. Though colonies tend to grow like their parents, yet the parent societies are so compara- tively plastic, and the infiuences of new habitats on the derived societies are so great, that divergences of structure are inevitable. In the absence of definite organizations established during the similar lives of many societies de- 570 THS INDUCnOKS OF 80CIOLOGT.
Boending one from anotber, there cannot be the precise dis- tinctions implied by complete classification.
Two cardinal kinds of differences there are^ however, of which we may avail ourselves for grouping societies in a natoral manner. Primarily we may arrange them accord- ing to their degprees of composition, as simple, compound^ doubly - compound, trebly- compound; and secondarily, though in a less specific way, we may divide them into the predominantly militant and the predominantly in- dustrial— those in which the organization for offence and defence is most largely developed, and those in which the sustaining organization is most largely developed.
§ 257. We have seen that social evolution begins with small simple aggregates; that it progresses by the clustering of these into larger aggregates; and that after consolidating^ such clusters are united with others like themselves into still larger aggregates. Our classification, then, must begin with societies of the first or simplest order.
We cannot in all cases say vnth precision what constitutes a simple society; for, in common with products of evolution generally, societies present transitional stages which negative sharp divisions. As the multiplying members of a group spread and diverge gradually, it is not always easy to decide when the groups into which they fall become distinct. Here the descendants of common ancestors inhabiting a barren region, have to divide while yet the constituent families are near akin; and there, in a more fertile region, the group may hold together until clusters of &milies remotely akin are formed: clusters which, diffusing slowly, are held by a •common bond that slowly weakens. By and by comes the .complication arising from the presence of slaves not of the same ancestry, or of an ancestry but distantly allied; and 'these, though they may not be political units, must be re^ cognized as units sociologically considered. Then there i9 the kindred complication arising where an invading tribe SOCIAL TTPE8 AND OONSTirUTlONS.
becomes a dominant class. Our only oonrse is to regard as a simple society^ one whicli forms a single working whole nnsnbjected to any other, and of which the parts co-ope- rate, with or without a regulating centre, for certain public ends. Here is a table, presenting with as much definiteness as may be, the chief divisions and sub-divisions of such simple societies.
'i^ofmM{(0.'^-(himting) FnegianB, some Australians, Wopd-Veddahs, Bushmen, Chepaugs and KuBundas of Nepal ' HVADLBSS. ( 00 O Send'ietiM: — most Esqnimanx.
SeUUd.'^AjntajnB, Land Djaks of Upper Sarawak Biver.
1 OQ (Namadio: — (hunting) some Australians, Tasmanians. 5«m-^ri«l.^-«omeCaribs. Settled: — Some Uaupes of the upper Bio Negro.
Namadie: — (hunting) Andamanese, Abipones, Snakes, Chippewayans, (pastoral) some Bedouins.
Vaotte and Unstablb < hsadship.
8emi-$etiled;— some Esquimaux, Chinooks, Chippewas (&t present), some Kamtsohadales, Village Ved- oahs, Bodo and Dhimils.
Settled.'—QxuBJM tribes, Mandans, Coxoados, New Guinea people, Tannese, Vateans, Djaks, Todaa, Nagas, Aaz^, Santals.
^ Settled: — Guaranis, Pueblos. On contemplating these uncivilized societies which^ though alike as being uncompounded^ differ iu their sizes and structures^ certain generally-associated traits may be noted* Of tlie groups wiAoal poHtiBJ with but die Tignert tnoes of it, die lowert sre ilHwe small wmof3e$mg ones wfakh Kre oa Ae vild food gpstsdy disfari- baled in totvnim, orer bsnoi tncte, or slong nrn nliim w Wliere smsfl simple societies lensmi widumt dudb tlioii^ iefcded, it is whise ciroiinistBiioes sllow them to be lislnftiid peseefoL Gkodng down the tsUe we find ressonior infer- ring that the dianges firom the banting life to the pastoral, and from the pastoral to the sgricahoraly &Toar increase of population, the derdopmeot of political oiganiaation, of in- dostrisl orgamzation, snd of die aits; thongh these do not of themsdres prodnoe these resoltB.
{Nawtadie: — (putoni) SstOed.^ andpaatord^ rNomadid: — ^mtn _ Ckmuuidies, (pauBtoral) KrimncVg, ( UntTABLB. UXiDtHIP. ^ 5Mii-#^<M ^-OsiyakB, Belachis, Kulda^ Bhils. Congo-people (paasiiig into donUy compowMQ, Teutons before 5th oentniy.
Settled: — Cbippewae (in past times), Greeks, Mnn- dmcns. Tapis, Ehonds, some New Guinea people, Smnatrans, Malagasy (till recently). Coast Negroes, Inland I^egroes, some A^^asinians, Homeric Greeks, Kingdoms of the Heptarchy. Teutons in 6th centory, Fiefs of 10th centozy.
Stabui J Settled;— Uauptfs, Fijians (when first visitedX New \ Headship.
Zealanders, Sandwich Islanders (in Cook's time), Jayans, Hottentots, Dahomans, Ashantees, some Abyssinians, Ancient Yucatanese, New Granada >eople, Honduras people, Chibi^bas, some town aos.
SOCIAL TTPBS AND COKSTITUTIONS. 673 The second table, given on the preceding page, contains societieB which haye passed to a slight extent, or consider- ably, or wholly, into a state in which the simple groups haye their several governing heads subordinated to a general head. The stability or instability alleged of the headship in these cases, refers to the headship of the com- posite gronp, and not to the headships of the simple groups. As might be expected, stability of this compound head- ship becomes more marked as the original unsettled state passes into the completely settled state: the nomadic life obviously making it dijScult to keep the heads of groups subordinate to a general head. Though not in all cases ac companied by considerable- organization, this coalescence evidently conduces to organization. The completely-settled compound societies are mostly characterized by division into ranks, four, five, or six, clearly marked oS; by established ecclesiastical arrangements; by industrial struc- tures that show advancing division of labour, general and local; by buildings of some permanence clustered into places of some size; and by improved appliances of life generally.
In the succeeding table are placed societies formed by the re-compounding of these compound groups, or in which many governments of the types tabulated above have be- come subject to a still higher government. The first notable fact is that these doubly-compound societies are all com- pletely settled. Along with their greater integration we see in many cases, though not uniformly, a more elaborate and stringent political organization. Where complete sta- bility of political headship over these doubly-compound societies has been established, there is mostly, too, a deve- loped ecclesiastical hierarchy. While becoming more com- plex by division of labour, the industrial organization has in many cases assumed a caste structure. To a greater or less extent, custom has passed into positive law; and re- ligious observances have grown definite, rigid, and complex* 574 TBI IHDUCnOHB Of 80CIOL0OT.
Towhb and roads haTe become general; and considerable progress in knowledge and the arts has taken place.
OQ s Unstabub HXAMHIP.
6HiM: — Tahitians, Tongans, JaTans (occasionallj), F^jians (sinoe fire-arms), Malagasy (in reoent times), Athemaa Confederacj, Spartan Confede- racy, Tentonio Kingdoms frcm 0th to 9th oen- tones, Qreatar Fim in Franoe of the ISth 8emi'$€ttUd >- Settled: — Iroquois, Araaoanians, Sandwich Islanders ( (since Cook's time), Ancient Vera Piaz and Bosota peoples, Gnatemaians, Ancient Pemvians, wahhabees (Arab), Omin (Arab), Ancient Egyptian Kingdom, England after the 10th century.
There remain to be added the great civilized nations which need no tabular form, since they mostly fall under one head — ^trebly compound. Ancient Mexico, the As- syrian Empire, the Egyptian Empire, the Roman Empire, Great Britain, France, (Germany, Italy, Russia, may severally be regarded as having reached this stage of composition, or perhaps, in some cases, a still higher stage. Only in respect of the stabilities of their governments may they possibly require classing apart — ^not their political stabilities in the ordinary sense, but their stabilities in the sense of con- tinuing to be the supreme centres of these great aggregates. So defining this trait, the ancient trebly-compound societies have mostly to be classed as unstable; and of the modem, the Kingdom of Italy and the German Empire have to be tested by time.
As already indicated, this classification must not be taken SOCIAL TTPX8 AND CONSTITtmOKS. 576 as more ihan a rongli approximation to the trath. In some cases the data famished by travellers and others are in-, adequate; in some cases their accounts are conflicting; in some cases the composition is so far transitional that it is difficult to say under which of two heads it should come. Here the gens or the phratrj may be distinguished as a local community; and here these groups of near or remote kinsmen are so mingled with other such groups as practically to form parts of one community. Evidently the like combination of several such small communities, passing through stages of increasing cohesion, leaves it sometimes doubtful whether they are to be regarded as many or as one. And when, as with the larger social aggregates, there have been successive conquests, resulting unions, subsequent dis- solutions, and re-unions otherwise composed, the original lines of structure become so confused or lost that it is diffi- cult to class the ultimate product.
But there emerge certain generalizations which we may safely accept. The stages of compoundiug and re-com- pounding have to be passed through in succession. No tribe becomes a nation by simple growth; and no great so- ciety is formed by the direct union of the smallest societies. Above the simple group the first stage is a compound group inconsiderable in size. The mutual dependence of parts which constitutes it a working whole, cannot exist without some development of lines of intercourse and appliances for combined action; and this must be achieved over a narrow area before it can be achieved over a wide one. When a compound society has been consolidated by the co-operation of its component groups in war under a single head — when it has simultaneously differentiated somewhat its social ranks and industries, and proportionately developed its arts, which all of them conduce in some way to better co-opera- tion, the compound society becomes practically a single one. Other societies of the same order, each having similarly reached a stage of organization alike required and made poesible hy this co-ordination of actions tlirooglioiit a larger maaa, now form bodies from which^ bj oonqoest or bj federation in war, maj be formed societies of ihe donbly-oomponnd type. The consolidation of these has again an accompanying adyance of organization distinctive of it — an organisation for which it affords the scope and which makes it practicable—an organization haying a higher complexity in its regolatiyei distribatiye, and indostrial systems. And at later stages, by kindred steps, arise the still larger aggpregates haying still more complex stmctores. In this order has social eyolation gone on, and only in this order does it appear to be possible. Whateyer imperf eo-> tions and incongruities the aboye classification has, do not hide these general facts— that there are societies of these different grades of composition; that those of the same grade haye general resemblances in their stmctores; and that they arise in the order shown.
§ 268. We pass now to the classification based on onlike- nesses between the kinds of social activity which predomi- nate, and on the resalting onlikenesses of organization. The two social types thns essentially contrasted are the mili- tant and the industrial.
It is doubtless true that no definite separation of these can be made. Excluding a few simple g^nps such as the Esquimaux, inhabiting places where they are safe from invasion, all societies, simple and compound, are occa- sionally or habitually in antagonism with other societies; and, as we have seen, tend to evolve structures for carrying on offensive and defensive actions. At the same time sus- tentation is necessaiy; and there is always an organization, slight or decided, for achieving it. But while the two systems in social organisms, as in individual organ* isms, co-exist in all but the rudimentary forms, they vary immensely in the ratios they bear to one another. In some cases the structures carrying on external actions are largely SOCIAL TYPES AND CONSTITUTIONS. 577 developed; the sustaming system.exists solely for their benefit; and the activities are militant. In other cases there is predominance of the strnctnres carrying on sus- tentation; offensive and defensive structures are main- tained only to protect them; and the activities are indus- trial. At the one extreme we have those warlike tribes which, subsisting mainly by the chase, make the appliances for dealing with enemies serve also for procuring food, and have sustaining systems represented only by their women, who are their slave-classes; while, at the other ex- treme we have the type, as yet only partially evolved, in which the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial or- ganizations form the chief part of the society, and, in the absence of external enemies, the appliances for offence and defence are either rudimentary or absent. Transitional as are nearly all the societies we have to study, we may yet clearly distinguish the constitutional traits of these opposite types, characterized by predominance of the outer and inner systems respectively.
Having glanced at the two thus placed in contrast, it will be most convenient to contemplate each by itself.
§ 259. As before pointed out, the militant type is one in which the army is the nation mobilized while the nation is the quiesceht army, and which, therefore, acquires a structure common to army and nation. We shall most clearly understand its nature by observing in detaeiil this parallelism between the military organization and the social organization at large.
Already we have had ample proof that centralized control is the primary trait acquired by every body of fighting men, be it horde of savages, group of brigands, or mass of soldiers. And this centralized control, necessitated during war, characterizes the government during peace. Among the uncivilized there is a marked tendency for the military chief to become also the political head (the medicine man p p 578 - THI mDUOIXUHS OI socioumt.
being Ids only competitor); and in a conquering race of sayages hiB political headahip becomea fixed. Among aemi- civilized the oonqaering commander and the despotic king are the same; and they remain the same among the civilixed down to late times. The connexion is well shown where in the same racci we find a contrast in the habitual activi- ties and in the forms of goremment. Thus the powers of the patriarchal chiefs of Kaffir tribes are not great; bat the Zolos, who haye become a oonqaering division of the Kaffirs, are onder an absolate monarch. Of advanced savages the Fijians may be named as well showing this relation between habitual war and despotic role: the persona Mid property of sabjects are entirely at the king's or chieFs disposal. We have seen that it is the same in the warlike African states, Dahomey and Ashantee. The Ancient Mexi- cans, again, whose highest profession was that of arms, and whose eligible prince became king only by feats in war, had an aatocratic government, which, according to Clavigero, became more stringent as the territory was enlarged by conqaest. Similarly, the unmitigated despotism under which the Peruvians lived, had been established during the spread of the Ynca conquests. And that race is not the cause, we are shown by this recarrence in Ancient America of a relation so familiar in ancient states of the Old World. The absolutefaess of a commander-in-chief goes along with absolute control exercised by his generals over their subordinates, and by their sob- ordinates over the men under them: all are slaves to those above and despots to those below. This structure repeats itself in the accompanying social arrangements. There are precise gpradations of rank in the community and complete submission of each rank to the ranks above it. We see this in the society already instanced as showing among advanced savages the development of the militant type. In Fiji six classes are enumerated, from king down to slaves, as sharply marked off*. Similarly in Madagascar, whero SOCIAL TTPX8 AND OONSTITUTIONS. S79 despotism has been in late times establislied by war^ there are several grades and castes. Among the Dahomans^ giyen in so great a degree to bloodshed of all kinds, *'the army, or, what is nearly synonymous, the nation,'' says Burton, ''is divided, both male and female, into two wings; '' and then, of the various ranks enumerated, all are characterisfied as legally slaves of the king. In Ashantee, too, where his officers are required to die when the king dies, we have a kindred condition. Of old, among the ag- grc^ssive Persians, grades were strongly marked. So was it in warlike Ancient Mexico: besides three classes of nobility, and besides the mercantile classes, there were three agricul- tural classes down to the serfs — all in precise subordination. In Peru, also, below the Ynca, there were grades of nobility — fiords over lords. Moreover, according to Qarcilasso, in each town the inhabitants were registered in decades under a decurion, five of these under a superior, two such under a higher one, five of these centurions under a head, two of these under one who thus ruled a thousand men, and for every ten thousand there was a governor of Ynca race: the political rule being thus completely regimental. Till lately, another illustration was furnished by Japan. That there were kindred, if less elaborate, structures in ancient militant states of the Old World, scarcely needs saying; and that like structures were repeated in medisaval times, when a large nation like France had under the monarch several grades of feudal lords, vassals to those above and suzerains to those below, with serfs under the lowest, again shows us that everywhere the militant type has sharply- marked social gradations as it has sharply-marked military gradations. Corresponding to this natural government there is a like form of supernatural government. I do not mean merely that in the ideal other-worlds of mili- tant societies, the ranks and powe):s are conceived as like those of the real world around, though this also is to be noted; but I refer to the militant character of the religion.
PF 2 680 THE INDUCTIONS Of SOCIOLOOT* Ever in antagonism witli other societios, the life is a life of enmity and the religion a religion of enmity. The duty of blood-revenge^ most sacred of all with the savage^ continues to be the dominant duty as the militant type of society eyolves. The chiefs banlked of his vengeance^ dies enjoining his successors to avenge him; his ghost is propitiated by ful- filment of his commands; the slaying of his enemies becomes the highest action; trophies are brought to his grave in token of fulfilment; and, as tradition grows, he becomes the god worshipped with bloody sacrifices. Everywhere we find evidence. The Fijians offer the bodies of their victims killed in war to the gods before cooking them. In Dahomey, where the militant type is so far developed that women are warriors, men are almost daily sacrificed by the monarch to please his dead father; and the ghosts of old kings are invoked for aid in war by blood sprinkled on their tombs. The war-god of the Mexicans (originally a conqueror), tiie most revered of their gods, had his idol fed with human flesh: wars being undertaken to supply him with victims. And similarly in Peru, where there were habitual human sacrifices, men taken captive were immolated to the father of the Yncas, the Sun. How militant societies of old in the East similarly evolved deities who were similarly pi*opitiated by bloody rites, needs merely indicating. Habitually their mythologies represent gods as conquerors; habitually their gods are named ''the strong one,^' ''the destroyer,'' "the avenger," " god of battles," " lord of hosts,'' " man of war," and so forth. As we read in Assyrian inscriptions, wars were commenced by their alleged will; and, as we read else- where, peoples were massacred wholesale in professed obe- dience to them. How its theological government, like its political government, is essentially military, we see even in late and qualified forms of the militant type; for down to the present time absolute subordination, like that of soldier to commander, is the supreme virtae, and disobedience the crime for which eternal torture is throat- 80CIAL TYPES AND CONSTirUTTONB. 581 ened. Similarly with the accompanying ecclesias.
tical organization. Very generally where the militant type is highly deyeloped^ the political head and ecclesiastical head are identical — ^the king, chief descendant of his ancestor who has become a god, is also chief propitiator of him. It was so in Ancient Peru; and in Tezcuco and Tlacopan (Mexico) the high-priest was the king's second son. The Egyptian wall-paintings show ns kings performing sacrifices; as do also the Assyrian. Babylonian records harmonize with Hebrew traditions in telling ns of priest-kings. In Lydia it was the same: Croesns was king and priest. In Sparta, too, the kings, while military chiefs, were also high priests; and a trace of the like original relation existed in Bome. A system of subordination essentially akin to the mili- tary, has habitually characterized the accompanying priest- hoods. The Fijians have an hereditary priesthood form- ing a hierarchy. In Tahiti, where the high-priest was royal, there were grades of hereditary priests belong- ing to each social rank. In Ancient Mexico the priest- hoods of different gods had different ranks, and there were three ranks within each priesthood; and in Ancient Pern, besides the royal chief priest, there were priests of the conquering race set over Various classes of inferior priests. A like type of structure, with subjection of rank to rank, has characterized priesthoods in the ancient and modem belligerent societies of the Old World. The