seaicli of scanty f ood^ and he has great tronble in getting in the strayed ones. No accounts of labour spest by either can be kept, and there are no current nto of wages to give ideas of their respective clainis to shares of produce. The work of the daughter or the bond- woman, who milks and who fetches water, now from a well at hand and now from one further off, varies from day to day; and its worth, as compared with the worths of other works, cannot be known. So with the preparation of skins, the making of clothing, the setting up of tents. AH these miscellaneous services, differing in arduonsness, dura- tion, skill, cannot be paid for in money or produce while there exists neither currency nor market in which the rehttive values of articles and labours may be established by competition. Doubtless a bargain for services rudely estimated as worth so many cattle or sheep, may be entered into. But beyond the fact that this form of payment, admitting of but very rough equivalence, cannot con- veniently be carried out with all members of the gronpt there is the fact that even supposing it to be earned out, the members of the group cannot separately utilise their respective portions. The sheep have to be herded together: it would never do to send them out in small divi- sions, each requiring its attendant. The milk which cows yield must be dealt with in the mass — could not without great loss of labour be taken by so many separate miU^- maids and treated afterwards in separate portions. So is it throughout. The members of the group are natur- ally led into the system of giving their respective labours and satisfying from the produce their respective A?ants: they have to live as a corporate body. The patriarch, at once family -head, director of industry, owner of all members of the group and its belongings, regulates tb^ labour of his dependents; and, maintaining them out of the common stock that results, is restrained in his distribu- tion, as in his conduct at large, only by traditional custom THB FAHILT' 729 and by the prospect of resistance and secession if he dis- regards too far the average opinion.
The mention of secession introduces a remaining trait of the patriarchal group. Small societies, mostly at enmity with surrounding societies, are anxious to increase the numbers of their men, that they may be stronger for war. Hence sometimes female infanticide, that the rearing of males may be facilitated; hence in some places, as parts of Africa, a woman is forgiven any amount of irregularity if she bears many children; hence the fact that among the Hebrews barrenness was a reproach. This wish to strengthen itself by adding to its fighting members, leads each group to welcome fugitives from other groups. Everywhere and in all times, there goes on desertion — sometimes of rebels, sometimes of criminals. Stories of feudal ages, telling of knights and men-at-arms' who, being ill-treated or in danger of punishment, escape and take service with other princes or nobles, remind us of what goes on at tho present day in various parts of Africa, where the dependents of a chief who treats them too harshly leave him and join some neighbouring chief, and of what goes on among such wandering South American tribes as the Coroados, members of which join now one horde and now another as impulse prompts. And that with pastoral peoples the like occurs, we have direct evidence: Pallas tells us of the Kalmucks and Mongols that men oppressed by a chief, desert and go over to other chiefs. Occasionally occurring every- where, this fleeing from tribe to tribe entails ceremonies of incorporation if the stranger is of fit rank and worth — exchange of names, mingling of portions of blood, etc. — ^by which he is supposed.to be made one in nature with those he has joined. What happens when the group, instead of being of the hunting type, is of the patriarchal type? Adoption into the tribe now becomes adoption into the family. The two being one — the family being otherwise called, as in Hebrew, " the tent " — apolitical 780 THB DOOillC mEATKHTB.
mooTpoMtkm is tlie aune thing as doiiianlig im And adoption into the famil j, Ana estebUaiied as « aeqne&ce of primitive adoption into the tribe, long peniatB in the derired aocieties when its original meaning is Icat And now to teat this interpretation. INstinct in natore aa are snndrj raoes leading pastoral lives^ we find dut they have erolved this social tjpe when subject to tkese particular conditions. That it was the type among eaiif Semites does not need saying: they^ in fact, haying hrgAj served to exemplify its traits. That the Aryaas daring their nomadic stage displayed it, is implied by the aocoont givss above of Sir Henry Maine's investigations and inferenoes. We find it again among the Mongolian peoples of Asia; and again among wholly alien peoples inhabiting South Afritt' Of the Hottentots^ who^ exclusively pastoral^ differ fron the neighbouring Bechuanas and Kaffirs in not cultivating the soil at all^ we learu from Kolben that all estates *' de- scend to the eldest son^ or^ where a son is wanting, to the next male relation ''; and ''an eldest son may after litf father's death retain his brothers and sisters in a s(»i <^ slavery.'' Let us note, too, that among the neighhouno? Damaras, who, also exclusively pastoral, are unlike in tlx' respect that kinship in the female line still partiaUy SQ^- vives, patriarchal organization, whether of the family orihe tribe, is but little developed, and the subordination smsU; and further, that among the Kaflirs, who though in large measure pastoral are partly agricultural, patriarchal i^f private and public, is qualified.
It would be unsafe to say that under no oAer condi- tions than those of the pastoral state does this family tjp^ occur. We have no proof that it may not arise along wftb * direct transition from the hunting life to the agricoltuial life. But it would appear that usually this direct traa^^ tion is accompanied by a different set of changes. Where» as in Polynesia, pastoral life has been impoasible^ ^ where, as in Peru and Mexico, we have no reasoa to i TBI nafiLY. 781 i TBI nafiLY. 781 jaappoao thut it ever existed^ the political and domeatic aRangementSj still oharaoterised much or little by the prindtiye system of descent in the female line^ have ac- quired qualified forms of male descent and its o<moomitant arrangements; but they appear to have done so under pressure of the influences which habitual militancy main- tains. We have an indication of this in the statement of Gomara respecting the Peruvians^ that '^ nephews inherit^ and not sons, except in the case of the Yncas/' Still better are we shown it by sundry African states. Among the Coast Negroes^ whose kinships are ordinarily through females^ whose varioos societies are variously governed and most of thom very unstable^ male descent has been estab- lished in some of the kingdoms. The Inland Negroes^ too^ similarly retaining as a rule descent in the female line, alike in the State and in the family, have acquired in their public and private arrangements, some traits akin to those derived from the patriarchal system; and the like is the case in Congo. Further, in the powerful kingdom of Dahomey, where the monarchy has become stable and absolute, male succession and primogeniture are completely established, and in the less-despotically governed Ashanti, partially established.
But whether the patriarchal type of family may or may not arise under other conditions, we may safely say that the pastoral life is most &vourable to development of it. From the general laws of evolution it is a corollary that there goes on integration of any group of like imits simultaneously exposed to forces that are like in kind, amount, and direction {First Principles, §§ 168, 168); and obviously the members of a wandering family, kept to- gether by joint interests and jointly in antagonism with other such families, will become more integrated than the members of a family associated with other families in a primitive tribe, all the members of which have certain joint interests and are jointly in antagonism with external tribes.
732 THE DOMESTIC BSLATI0N8.
Jast as we Iiave seen that larger social aggregates be^w coherent by the co-operation of their membera in coDflus with neighbouring like aggregates; so vrith this smaller social aggregate constituted bj the nomadic family. Oi tk differentiations that simultaneously arise, the same maybe said. As the goyemment of a larger society is evolvefl during its struggles with other such societies; so is the government of this smallest society. And as here the societj and the family are one, the development of the regulative structure of the society becomes the development of tk regulative family-structure. Moreover, analogy suggest* that the higher organization given by this disciphne to the family group, makes it a better component of societies aftc^ wards formed, than are family groups which have not passed through this discipline. Already we have seen that gr^ nations arise only by aggregation and ro-aggregation: smw communities have first to acquire some consolidation anfl structure; then they admit of union into compound com- munities, which, when well integi'ated, may again be com- pounded into still larger communities; and so on. It i^ov appears that social evolution is most favoured when t^^ process begins with the smallest groups — the families: such groups, made coherent and definite in the way ^' scribed, and afterwards compounded and re-compounded, iiaving originated the highest societies.
An instructive analogy between social organisms and individual organisms supports this inference. In a p&ssap from which I have already quoted a clause. Sir Heniy Maine, using a metaphor which Biology furnishes, says.'-^ " All branches of human society may or may not have been developed from joint families which arose out 0/ an original patriarchal cell; but, wherever the Joint Family is an institution of an Aryan race, we see i^ springing from such a cell, and, when it dissolves, ^ see it. dissolving into a number of such cells: '^ ii^^ implying that as the cell is the proximate component a ^ THl FAHILT. 733 ^ ^ of the individual organism^ so the family is the proximate component of the social organism. Bat in either case this, though generally true, is not entirely true; and the qualifi- cation required is extremely suggestive. Low down in the animal kingdom exist creatures not possessing the definite cell-structure — small portions of living protoplasm without limiting membranes and even without nuclei. There arc sii' also certain types produced by aggregation of such :': Protozoa; and though it is now alleged that the indi- r,:: vidual components of one of these compound Foramini- /era have nuclei, yet they have none of the definitcness of developed cells. In types above these, however, it is other- wise: every coelenterate, molluscous, annulose, or verte- brate animal, begins as a cluster of distinct, nucleated cells. Whence it would seem that the unorganized portion of proto- plasm constituting the lowest animal, cannot, by union witli others such, furnish the basis for a higher animal; and that the simplest aggregates have to become definitely devel- oped befoi'e they can form larger aggregates capable of much development. Similarly with societies. The tribo44 in which the family is vague and unsettled remain politically unorganized. Sundry partially-civilized peoples cha- racterized by some definiteness and coherence of family structure, have attained corresponding heights of social structure. And the highest organizations have been reached by nations compounded out of family groups which had pre- viously become highly organized.
§ 320. And now, limiting our attention to these highest socioties, wo have to thank Sir Henry Maine for showing u.s the ways in which many of their ideas, customs, laws, and arrangements, have been derived from those which charac- terized the patriarchal group.
In all cases habits of life, when continued for manv generations, mould the nature; and the resulting traditional beliefs and usages with the accompanying sentiments, be- 784 THS ixACMnc ttLATIOVS.
eome difficalt to ohange. Hence^ on -pmmng iroa Aft wandering^ pastoral life to the settled a^cnltnml UCe^ tlv patriarclial type of fomily witii its establislied tnatB, per- sisted^ and gave its stamp to the social stractoieB wlnek gradaaUy arose. As Sir Heniy Maine says — ^**A11 fc larger groups which make up the {nimitire floeMes ia which the patriarchal family occurs^ are seen to he mnltH plications of it^ and to be^ in fact, themselTes Aoie or less formed on its model.'' The divisions which grow ip as the family multiplies become distinct in vaiiov degrees. '* In the joint undivided family of the Hindoos, the stirpes, or stocks, which are only known to EnropeM law as branches of inheritors, are actual divisions of ^ &mily, and live togetiier in distinct parts of the com- mon dwelling; '' and similarly in some parts of ScDope. In the words of anotiier writer — " The BuJganans, like the Russian peasantry; adhere to the old patriarchal aMtkod, and fathers and married sons, with their diildren aw children's children, live under the same roof nntil tks grandfather dies. As each sou in his turn gets married, a new room is added to the old building, until wiU the new generation there will often be twenty or thiiiy people living under the same roof, all paying obedience and respect to the head of tiie family."" Prom f urtiier multipK- cation results the.village community; in which the house- holds, and in part the landed properties, have become dis- tinct. And then where larger populations arise, sod different stocks are locally mingled, there are formed sucb groups within groups as those constituting, among the Romans, the family, the house, and the tribe: cohudoo ancestry being in all cases the bond.
Along with persistence of patriarchal structures under new conditions, naturally goes persistence of patiiarobsl principles. There is supremacy of the eldest male; some- times continuing, as in Roman Law, to the extent of oh dnd death power aver, wife and ohildiren. There THS f AlflLT* 735 8nmY68, too, the general idea that the offences of the indiyidoal are the offences of the group to which he be- longs; and, as a consequence, there sarviyes the practice of holding the group responsible and inflicting pnnishment upon it. There come the system of agnatic kinship, and the resnlting laws of inheritance. And there develops the ancestor<«wor8hip in which there join gronpa of family, house, tribe, etc., that are large in proportion as the ancestor is remote. These results, however, here briefly indicated, do not now concern us: they have to be treated of more as social than as domestic phenomena.
But with one further general truth which Sir Henry Maine brings into view, we are concerned — ^the disintegra- tion of the family. " The tmU of an ancient society was the Family,'^ he says, and ''of a modem society the Individual.'' Now excluding those archaic types of society in which, as we have seen, the family is undeveloped, this generalization appears to be amply supported by facts; and it is one of profound importance. If, recalling the above suggestions respecting the genesis of the patriarchsd family, we ask what must happen when the causes which joined in forming it are removed, and replaced by antagonistic causes, we shall understand why this change has taken place. In tbe lowest groups, while there continues co-operation in war and the chase among individuals belonging to different stocks, the family remains vague and incoherent, and the individual is the unit But when the imperfectly-formed families with their domesticated animals, separate into distinct groups, and the family and the society are thus made identicid — ^when the co-operations carried on are be- tween individuals domestically related as well as socially related, then the family becomes defined, compact, or- ganized; and its coni^rolUng agency gains strength because it is at once parental and political. This organization which the pastoral group gets by being at once family and society, and which is gradually perfected by conflict and 786 THK DOMESTIC BKLATIOKS.
snrviyal of the fittest^ it carries into settled life. Bat nettled life entails multiplication into numerons snch groups adjacent to one another; and in these changed circnmstances, each of the groups is sheltered from some of the actions which originated its organization and ex- posed to other actions which tend to disorganize it. Though there still arise quarrels among the multiplying familieSi yet^ as their blood-relationship is now a familiar thought^ which persists longer than it would have done had they wandered away from one another generation after generation^ the check to antagonism is greater. Farther^ the worship of a common ancestor^ in which they can now more readily join at settled intervals^ acts as a restraint on their hatreds, and so holds them together. Again, the family is no longer liable to be separately attacked by enemies; but a number of the adjacent families are simultaneously invaded and simultaneously resist: co- operation among them is induced. Throughout subse- quent stages of social growth this co-operation increases; and the families jointly exposed to like external forces tend to integrate. Already we have seen that by a kindred pro- cess such communities as tribes, as feudal lordships, as small kingdoms, become consolidated into larger communities; and that along with the consolidation caused by co-opera- tion, primarily for offence and defence and subsequently for other purposes, there goes a gradual obliteration of the divisions between them, and a substantial fusion. Here we recognize the like process as taking place with these .smallest groups. Quite harmonizing with this general in- terpretation are the special interpretations which Sir Henry Maine gives of the decline of the Patria Potestas among the Bomans. He points out how father and son had to perform their civil and military functions on a footing of equality wholly unlike their domestic footing; and how the con- sequent separate acquisition of authority, power, spoils^ etc., by the son, gradually unrjorrained the paternal den- THE FAMILY. 7o7 potism. Individuals of the family^ ceasing to work to- gether exclusively in their unlike relations to one another^ and coming to work together under like relations to State-authority and to enennes^ the public co-operation and subordination grew at the expense of the private co-opera- tion and subordination. Not only militant activities but also industrial activities^ in the large aggregates eventually formed^ conduced to this result. In a recent work on Bosnia cmd Herzegovina, Mr. Arthur J. Evans^ describing the Sclavonic house-communities^ which are dissolving under the stress of industrial competition, says — " The truth is, that the incentives to labour and economy are weakened by the sense of personal interest in their results being sub- divided.''
And now let us note the marvellous parallel between this change in the structure of the social organism and a change in the structure of the individual organism. We saw that definite nucleated cells are the components which, by aggre- gation, lay the foundations of the higher organisms; in the same way that the well-developed simple social groups are those out of which, by composition, the higher societies are eventually evolved. Here let me add that as, in the higher individual organisms, the aggregated colls which form the embryo, and for some time retain their separate- ness, gradually give place to structures in which the cell- form is greatly masked and almost lost; so in the social organism, the family groups and compound family groups which were the original components, eventually lose their distinguishableness, and there arise structures formed of mingled individuals belonging to many different stocks.
§ 321. A question of great interest, which has immediate bearings on policy, remains — Is there any limit to this dis- integration of the family f Already in the more advanced nations, that process which dissolved the larger family-aggregates, dissipating the B B B 738 TUS DOXBSCIC BfilATlONS.
tribe and Hke gwts and Ie«v^ioi|p only ihe. {amily proper, bas long been- complebed;. aad akeadj tliere Itere taken place partial daeaategniiaons ol tke fimily proper* Along witb douiges wiikilt^ for familjr re^ossibilitf ^ ssbfifcibited indmdual responsibiUfy io. lespeeii ol offeotfeB,, bave gwe GhaQges* wbieh^ in soma degree^ bave abaelved tbe family horn lesponfitbility for ito membess ia other reayecte. WhoBD fey Poor Laws. pabUcr proieisioii waa. Bwde- for dil- dven vboa tbeir parents dtd not or eMld iK)t aide({Dat^ si^port^ society in so Sat assumed SumLj-^«aa<WHia; as also wben undertakings m & maaftisre^ the* dHu^i». of pwoats not supported by- tbeur chStdnen. Legislatioa bos o£ lake farther reHekxed family^bends Ic^ reliafvinf^ parents from tbe care of their children's zninds^ and in place of eda«atioii under por^ital dbectioniestaUidiiDg edoeatioa ofider Stite- direction; and whsce the-, appointed adihioxitiQa-baiire^ &aod it needfcd partially to okitUe negEacted efaildrcaat before tiiflf eouid be' taogbt^ and erenr t»»whip eJuldBen hy peliee agesicy for not going' to scboo V tiuiy baTe? atifl fnrtbar snibstitBted for the responstbilii^ of paarents a national peqMmsibilitr- This recognition of: the indtvidoaV ^^^^ wheit a cbiU, as the social nnit^ rather tbaa tbe f8Hi:y^^ baa iadeed sow gone so far that 1^ many the' patensud duty jof tfae^ Stato is assttmed as self-evident; and crixninids ares calloflb '^^nr faalnree/' Are i^se disint€fp»tioBff ef tibe famiiy parla of & nQrmal progress 7 Are we on> our wagr to a- conditdon like tbat reached by sundry comnxunistie aggregates' im AauriGftand elsewhere'? In ftese^ along with Gamraiasai^ ofi pcepeftf; and albn^ witb: something appiroaebing to caauuiiaitf of wives, there goes community in the care of oflTspring; the fennily is entirely dlisintegrated aaid indi^idaals^ ane abne the units reeognizeoL We have made snndry steps towards such an organization. Is the taking of those wfaicb remain only a matter of time?
• Sec Timet, 2ath Feb., 1877.
THE nOIILY. 7'Sd