ing general ruin. When, in subsequent centuries, to meet 94. THE STUDY OF SOCIOLOGY.
the evils of again-increasing vagrancy which punishment failed to repress, these measures, re-enacted with modifica tions, ended in making the people of each parish chargeable with the maintenance of their poor, while it re-established the severest penalties on vagabondage, even to death without benefit of clergy, no one ever anticipated that while the penal elements of this legislation would by and by become so modi fied as to have little practical effect in checking idleness, the accompanying arrangements would eventually take such forms as immensely to encourage idleness. Neither legisla tors nor others foresaw that in 230 years the poor's-rate, hav ing grown to seven millions, would become a public spoil of which we read that — " The ignorant believed it an inexhaustible fund which belonged to them. To obtain their share the brutal bullied the administrators, the profligate exhibited their bastards which must be fed, the idle folded their arms and waited till they got it; ignorant boys and girls married upon it; poachers, thieves, and prostitutes, extorted it by in timidation; country justices lavished it for popularity, and guardians for convenience...Better men sank down among the worse: the rate-paying cottager, after a vain struggle, went to the pay-table to seek relief; the modest girl might starve while her bolder neighbour received Is. Qd. per week for every illegitimate child." As sequences of the law of Elizabeth, no one imagined that, in rural districts, farmers, becoming chief administrators, would pay part of their men's wages out of the rates (so tax ing the rest of the ratepayers for the cultivation of their fields); and that this abnormal relation of master and man would entail bad cultivation. No one imagined that, to escape poor's-rates, landlords would avoid building cottages, and would even clear cottages away: so causing over-crowding, with consequent evils, bodily and mental. No one imagined that workhouses, so called, would become places for idling in; and places where married couples would display their " elec tive affinities " time after time.10 Yet these, and detrimental results which it would take pages to enumerate, culminating in that general result most detrimental of all — helping the worthless to multiply at the expense of the worthy — finally came out of measures taken out ages ago merely to mitigate certain immediate evils.
OBJECTIVE DIFFICULTIES. 95 Is it not obvious, then, that only in the course of those long periods required to mould national characters and habits and sentiments, will the truly-important results of a public policy show themselves? Let us consider the question a little further.
In a society living1, growing, changing, every new factor becomes a permanent force; modifying more or less the direc tion of movement determined by the aggregate of forces. Never simple and direct, but, by the co-operation of so many causes, made irregular, involved, and always rhythmical, the course of social change cannot be judged of in its general direction by inspecting any small portion of it. Each action will inevitably be followed, after a while, by some direct or indirect reaction, and this again by a re-action; and until the successive effects have shown themselves, no one can say how the total motion will be modified. You must compare posi tions at great distances from one another in time, before you can tell rightly whither things are tending. Even so simple a thing as a curve of single curvature cannot have its nature perceived unless there is a considerable length of it. See here these five points close together. The curve passing through them may be a circle, an ellipse, a parabola, an hyperbola. Let the points be further apart, and it becomes possible to form some opinion of the nature of the curve — it is obviously not a circle. Let them, or some of them, be more remote still, and it may be seen that if not an infinite curve it must be a highly eccentric ellipse. And when the points are at relative ly great distances, the mathematician can say with certainty what conic section alone will pass through them all. Surely, then, in such complex and slowly-evolving movements as those of a nation's life, all the smaller and greater rhythms of which fall within certain general directions, it is impossible that such general directions can be traced by looking at stages that are close together — it is impossible that the effect wrought on any general direction by some additional force, can be truly computed from observations extending over but a few years, or but a few generations.
For, in the case of these most-involved of all movements, there is the difficulty, paralleled in no other movements (being only approached in those of individual evolution), that each 96 THE STUDY OF SOCIOLOGY.
new factor, besides modifying in an immediate way the course of a movement, modifies it also in a remote way, by changing the amounts and directions of all other factors. A fresh influ ence brought into play on a society, not only affects its mem bers directly in their acts, but also indirectly in their charac ters. Continuing to work on their characters generation after generation, and altering by inheritance the feelings which they bring into social life at large, this influence alters the in tensities and bearings of all other influences throughout the society. By slowly initiating modifications of nature, it brings into play forces of many kinds, incalculable in their strengths and tendencies, that act without regard to the original influ ence, and may cause quite opposite effects.
Fully to exhibit this objective difficulty, and to show more clearly still how important it is to take as data for sociological conclusions, not the brief sequences, but the sequences that extend over centuries or are traceable throughout civilization, let us draw a lesson from a trait which all regulative agencies in all nations have displayed.
The original meaning of human sacrifices, otherwise toler ably clear, becomes quite clear on finding that where canni balism is still rampant, and where the largest consumers of human flesh are the chiefs, these chiefs, undergoing apotheosis when they die, are believed thereafter to feed on the souls of the departed — the souls being regarded as duplicates equally material with the bodies they belong to. And should any doubt remain, it must be dissipated by the accounts we have of the ancient Mexicans, whose priests, when war had not lately furnished a victim, complained to the king that the god was hungry; and who, when a victim was sacrificed, offered his heart to the idol (bathing its lips with his blood, and even putting portions of the heart into his mouth) and then cooked and ate the rest of the body themselves. Here the fact to which attention is drawn, and which various civilizations show us, is that the sacrificing of prisoners or others, once a general usage among cannibal ancestry, continues as an eccle siastical usage long after having died out in the ordinary life of a society. Two facts, closely allied with this fact, have like general implications. Cutting implements of stone remain in OBJECTIVE DIFFICULTIES. 97 use for sacrificial purposes when implements of bronze, and even of iron, are used for all other purposes: the Hebrews are commanded in Deuteronomy to build altars of stone without using iron tools; the high priest of Jupiter at Rome was shaved with a bronze knife. Further, the primitive method of obtaining fire by the friction of pieces of wood, survives in religious ceremonies ages after its abandonment in the house hold; and even now, among the Hindus, the flame for the altar is kindled by the "fire drill." These are striking in stances of the pertinacity with which the oldest part of the regulative organization maintains its original traits in the teeth of influences that modify things around it.
The like holds in respect of the language, spoken and written, which it employs. Among the Egyptians the most ancient form of hieroglyphics was retained for sacred records, when more developed forms were adopted for other purposes. The continued use of Hebrew for religious services among the Jews, and the continued use of Latin for the Roman Catholic service, show us how strong this tendency is, apart from the particular creed. Among ourselves, too, a less dominant ecclesiasticism exhibits a kindred trait. The English of the Bible is of an older style than the English of the date at which the translation was made; and in the church service various words retain obsolete meanings, and others are pro nounced in obsolete ways. Even the typography, with its illu minated letters of the rubric, shows traces of the same ten dency; while Puseyites and ritualists, aiming to reinforce ecclesiasticism, betray a decided leaning towards archaic print, as well as archaic ornaments. In the aesthetic direction, in deed, their movement has brought back the most primitive type of sculpture for monumental purposes; as may be seen in Canterbury Cathedral, where, in two new monuments to ecclesiastics, one being Archbishop Sumner, the robed figures recline on their backs, with hands joined, after the manner of the mailed knights on early tombs — presenting complete sym metry of attitude, which is a distinctive trait of barbaric art, as shown by every child's drawing of a man and every idol carved by a savage.
A conscious as well as an unconscious adhesion to the old in usage and doctrine is shown. Not only among Roman 98 THE STUDY OF SOCIOLOGY.
Out-holies but among many Protestants, to ascertain what the Fathers said, is to ascertain what should be believed. In the pending controversy about tho Athanasian Creed, we see how much authority attaches to an antique document. Tho an tagonism between Convocation and tho lay members of the Church— the one as a body wishing to retain the cursing clauses and the other to exclude them — further shows that ollicial Protestantism adheres to antiquity much more than non-official Protestantism: a contrast equally displayed.not long since between the opinions of the lay part and the clerical part of the Protestant Irish Church.
Throughout political organizations the like tendency, though less dominant, is very strong. The gradual establish ment of law by the consolidation of custom, is tho formation of something fixed in tho midst of things that are changing; and, regarded under its most general aspect as the agency which maintains a permanent order, it is in the very nature of;i State-organization to be relatively rigid. Tho way in which primitive principles and practices, no longer fully in force among individuals ruled, survive in tho actions of ruling agents, is curiously illustrated by the long retention between nobles of a right of feud after it had been disallowed between eiti/ens. Chief vassals, too, retained this power to secure jus tice for themselves after smaller vassals lost it: not only was a right of war with one another recognized, but also a right of defence against the king. And we see that even now, in the dealings between Governments, armed force to remedy in juries is still employed, as it originally was between all indi viduals. As bearing in the same direction, it is significant that the right of trial by battle, which was a regulated form of the aboriginal system under which men administered jus tice in their own cases, survived among the ruling classes when no longer legal among inferior classes. Even on behalf of religious communities judicial duels were fought. Here the thing it concerns us to note is that tho system of fighting in person and lighting by deputy, when no longer otherwise lawful, was retained, actually or formally, in various parts of the regulative organization. Up to the reign of ( leorge 111., trial by battle could bo claimed as an alternative of trial In jury. Duels continued till quite recently between members of OBJECTIVE DIFFICULTIES. 99 the ruling classes, and especially between officers; and even now in Continental armies duelling is not only recognized as proper, but is, in some cases, imperative. And then, showing most strikingly how these oldest usages survive longest, in connexion with the oldest part of the governing organization, we have had in the coronation ceremony, up to modern times, a champion in armour uttering by herald a challenge to all comers 011 behalf of the monarch.
If, from the agencies by which law is enforced, we pass to legal forms, language, documents, &c., the like tendency is everywhere conspicuous. Parchment is retained for law- deeds though paper has replaced it for other purposes. The form of writing is an old form. Latin and Norman-French terms are still in use for legal purposes, though not otherwise in use; and even old English words, such as "seize," retain in Law, meanings which they have lost in current speech. In the execution of documents, too, the same truth is illustrated; for the seal, which was originally the signature, continues, though the written signature now practically replaces it — n'ay, we retain a symbol of the symbol, as may be seen in every share transfer, where there is a pa per- wafer to repre sent the seal. Even still more antique usages survive in legal transactions; as in the form extant in Scotland of handing over a portion of rock when an estate is sold, which evidently answers to the ceremony among the an cient nations of sending earth and water as a sign of yielding territory.
From the working of State-departments, too, many kin dred illustrations might be given. Even under the peremp tory requirements of national safety, the Hint-lock for muskets was but tardily replaced by the percussion-lock; and the rifle had been commonly in use for sporting purposes' generations before it came into more than sparing use for military pur poses. Book-keeping by double entry had long been perma nently established in the mercantile world before it superseded book-keeping by single entry in Government offices: its adop tion dating back only to 1834, when a still more antique sys tem of keeping accounts by notches cut on sticks, was put an c,n(\ to by the conflagration that resulted from the burning of UK; Exchequer-tallies.
100 THE STUDY OF SOCIOLOGY.
The like holds with apparel, in general and in detail. Cocked hats are yet to be seen on the heads of officers. An extinct form of dress still holds its ground as the Court-dress; and the sword once habitually worn by gentlemen has be come the dress-sword worn only on State-occasions. Every where officialism has its established uniforms, which may be traced back to old fashions that have disappeared from ordi nary life. Some of these antique articles of costume we see sur mounting the heads of judges; others there are which still hang round the necks of the clergy; and others which linger on the legs of bishops.
Thus, from the use of a flint-knife by the Jews for the reli gious ceremony of circumcision, down to the pronunciation of the terminal syllable of the prseterite in our Church-service, down to the oyez shouted in a law-court to secure attention, down to the retention of epaulets for officers, and down to the Norman-French words in which the royal assent is given, this persistence is everywhere traceable. And when we find this persistence displayed through all ages in all departments of the regulative organization, — when we see it to be the natural accompaniment of the function of that organization, which is essentially restraining— when we estimate the future action of the organization in any case, by observing the general sweep of its curve throughout long periods of the past; we shall see how misleading may be the conclusions drawn from recent facts taken by themselves. Where the regulative organization is anywhere made to undertake additional functions, we shall not form sanguine anticipations on the strength of immediate results of the desired kind; but we shall suspect that after the phase of early activity has passed by, the plasticity of the new structure will rapidly diminish, the characteristic tendency towards rigidity will show itself, and in place of expansive effect there will come a restrictive effect.
The reader will now understand more clearly the meaning of the assertion that true conceptions of sociological changes are to be reached only by contemplating their slow genesis through centuries, and that basing inferences on results shown in short periods, is as illusory as would be judging of the Earth's curvature by observing whether we are walking up or down hill. After recognizing which truth he will perceive OBJECTIVE DIFFICULTIES. 1Q1 how great is another of the obstacles in the way of the Social Science.
" But does not all this prove too much? If it is so difficult to get sociological evidence that is not vitiated by the sub jective states of the witnesses, by their prejudices, enthusi asms, interests, &c. — if where there is impartial examination, the conditions to the inquiry are of themselves so apt to falsify the result — if there is so general a proneiiess to assert as facts observed what were really inferences from observations, and so great a tendency also to be blinded by exterior trivialities to interior essentials — if even where accurate data are accessi ble, their multitudiiiousiiess and diffusion in Space make it impracticable clearly to grasp them as wholes, while their un folding in Time is so slow that antecedents and consequents cannot be mentally represented in their true relations; is it not manifestly impossible that a Social Science can be framed? " It must be admitted that the array of objective difficulties thus brought together is formidable; and were it the aim of the Social Science to draw quite special and definite conclu sions, which must depend for their truth upon exact data ac curately co-ordinated, it would obviously have to be abandoned. But there are certain classes of general facts which remain after all errors in detail, however produced, have been allowed for. Whatever conflicts there may be among accounts of events that occurred during feudal ages, comparison of them brings out the incontestable truth that there was a Feudal System. By their implications, chronicles and laws indicate the traits of this system; and on piitting side by side narra tives and documents written, not to tell us about the Feudal System but for quite other purposes, we get tolerably clear ideas of these traits in their essentials — ideas made clearer still on collating the evidence furnished by different contemporary societies. Similarly throughout. By making due use not so much of that which past and present witnesses intend to tell us, as of that which they tell us by implication, it is possible to collect data for inductions respecting social structures and functions in their origin and development: the obstacles which arise in the disentangling of such data in the case of 102 THE STUDY OF SOCIOLOGY.
any particular society, being mostly surmountable by the help of the comparative method.
Nevertheless, the difficulties above enumerated must be ever present to us. Throughout, we have to depend on testi mony; and in every case we have to beware of the many modes in which evidence may be vitiated — have to estimate its worth when it has been discounted in various ways; and have to take care that our conclusions do not depend on any particular class of facts gathered from any particular place or time.
CHAPTER VI.
SUBJECTIVE DIFFICULTIES — INTELLECTUAL.
IF you watch the management of a child by a mother of small capacity, you may be struck by the inability she betrays to imagine the child's thoughts and feelings. Full of energy which he must expend in some way, and eager to see every thing, her little boy is every moment provoking her by his restlessness. The occasion is perhaps a railway journey. Now he strives to look out of the window; and now, when forbid den to do that, climbs on the seats, or meddles with the small luggage. " Sit still," " Get down, I tell you," " Why can't you be quiet? " are the commands and expostulations she utters from minute to minute — partly, no doubt, to prevent the dis comfort of fellow-passengers. But, as you will see at times when no such motive comes into play, she endeavours to re press these childish activities mainly out of regard for what she thinks propriety, and does it without any adequate recog nition of the penalties she inflicts. Though she herself lived through this phase of extreme curiosity — this early time when almost every object passed has the charm of novelty, and when the overflowing energies generate a painful irritation if pent up; yet now she cannot believe how keen is the desire for see ing which she balks, and how difficult is the maintenance of that quietude on which she insists. Conceiving her child's consciousness in terms of her own consciousness, and feeling how easy it is to sit still and not look out of the window, she ascribes his behaviour to mere perversity.
I recall this and kindred cases to the reader's mind, for the purpose of exemplifying a necessity and a difficulty. The ne cessity is that in dealing with other beings and interpreting their actions, we must represent their thoughts and feelings in 104 THE STUDY OF SOCIOLOGY.
terms of our own. The difficulty is that iu so representing them we can never be more than partially right, and are fre quently very wrong. The conception which any one frames of another's mind, is inevitably more or less after the pattern of his own mind — is automorphic; and in proportion as the mind of which he has to frame a conception dift'ers from his own, his automorphic interpretation is likely to be wide of the truth.