hours' labour. The real value of a commodity is, however, not its individual value, but its social value; that is to say, the real value is not measured by the labour-time that the article in each individual case costs the producer, but by the labour- time socially required for its production. If therefore, the capitalist who applies the new method, sells his commodity at its social value of one shilling, he sells it for threepence above its individual value, and thus realises an extra surplus- value of threepence. On the other hand, the working day of 12 hours is, as regards him, now represented by 24 articles instead of 12. Hence, in order to get rid of the product of one working day, the demand must be double what it was, i.e., the market must become twice as extensive. Other thinofs being equal, his commodities can command a more extended market only by a diminution of their prices. He will there- fore sell them above their individual but under their social value, say at tenpence each. Bj^ this means he still squeezes The Concept of Relative Siirplus- Value, 307 an extra surplus-value of one penny out of each. This aug- mentation of surplus-value is pocketed by him, whether his commodities belong or not to the class of necessary means of subsistence that participate in determining the general value of labour-power. Hence, independently of this latter circumstance, there is a motive for each individual capitalist to cheapen his commodities, by increasing the productiveness of labour.
Nevertheless, even in this case, the increased production of surplus-value arises from the curtailment of the necessary labour-time, and from the corresponding prolongation of the surplus-labour.^ Let the necessary labour-time amount to 10 hours, the value of a day's labour- power to five shillings, the surplus labour-time to 2 hours, and the daily surplus- value to one shilling. But the capitalist now produces 24 articles, which he sells at tenpence a-piece, making twenty shillings in all. Since the value of the means of production is twelve shillings, 14| of these articles merely replace the constant capital advanced. The labour of the 12 hours' working day is represented by the remaining 9f articles. Since the price of the labour-power is five shillings, 6 articles represent the necessary labour-time, and 3f articles the surplus-labour. The ratio of the necessary labour to the surplus-labour, which under average social conditions was 5: 1, is now only 5: 3. The same result may be arrived at in the following way. The value of the product of the working day of 12 hours is twenty shillings. Of this sum, twelve shillings belong to the value of the means of production, a value that merely re-appears. There remain eight shillings, which are the expression in money, of the value newly created during the working day. This sum is greater than the sum in which average social labour of the same kind is expressed: twelve hours of the latter labour are expressed by six shillings only. The excep- tionally productive labour operates as intensified labour; it 1 " A man's profit does not depend upon his command of the produce of other men's labour, but upon his command of labour itself. If he can sell his goods at a higher price, while his workmen's wages remain unaltered, he is clearly benefited...A smaller proportion of what he produces is sufficient to put that labour into motion, and a larger proportion consequently remains for himself." (' ' Outlines of Pol. Econ."
3o8 Capitalist Production.
creates in equal periods of time greater values than average social labour of the same kind. (See Ch. I. Sect. 1. p. 11.) But our capitalist still continues to pay as before only five shillings as the value of a day's labour-power. Hence, instead of 10 hours, the labourer need now work only 7i hours, in order to re-produce this value. His surplus-labour is, therefore, in- creased by 24 hours, and the surplus- value he produces grows from one, into three shillings. Hence, the capitalist who applies the improved method of production, appropriates to surplus-labour a greater portion of the working day, than the other capitalists in the same trade. He does individually, what the whole body of capitalists engaged in producing re- lative surplus-value, do collectively. On the other hand, however, this extra surpluf^-value vanishes, so soon as the new method of production has become general, and has consequently caused the difference between the individual value of the cheapened commodity and its social value to vanish. The law of the determination of value by labour-time, a law which brings under its sway the individual capitalist who applies the new method of production, by compelling him to sell his goods under their social value, this same law, acting as a coercive law of competition, forces his competitors to adopt the new method.^ The general rate of surplus-value is, therefore, ultimately affected by the whole process, only when the in- crease in the productiveness of labour, has seized upon those branches of production that are connected with, and has cheapened those commodities that form part of, the necessary means of subsistence, and are therefore elements of the value of labour-power.
The value of commodities is in inverse ratio to the produc- tiveness of labour. And so, too, is the value of labour-power, because it depends on the values of commodities. Relative 1 " If my neighbour by doing much with little labour, can sell cheap, I must con- trive to sell as clieap as he. So that every art, trade, or engine, doing work with labour of fewer hands, and consequently cheaper, begets in others a kind of necessity and emulation, either of using the same art, trade, or engine, or of inventing some thing like it, that every man may be upon the square, that no man may be able to undersell his neighbour." ("The Advantages of the East India Trade to England.''
The Concept of Relative Surplus- Value. 309 surplus- value is, on the contrary, directly proportional to that productiveness. It rises with rising and falls with falling productiveness. The value of money being assumed to be constant, an average social working day of 12 hours always produces the same new value, six shillings, no matter how this sum ma}" be apportioned between surplus-value and wages. But if, in consequence of increased productiveness, the value of the necessaries of life fall, and the value of a day's labour- power be thereby reduced from five shillings to three, the sur - plus-value increases from one shilling to three. Ten hours were necessary for the reproduction of the value of the labour- power; now only six are required. Four hours have been set free, and can be annexed to the domain of surplus-labour. Hence there is immanent in capital an inclination and constant tendency, to heighten the productiveness of labour, in order to cheapen commodities, and by such cheapening to cheapen the labourer himself^ The value of a commodity is, in itself, of no interest to the . capitalist. What alone interests him, is the, ourplus-value that / dwells in it, and is realisable by sale. Realisation of the sur- • plus- value necessarily carries with it the refunding of the value that was advanced. Now, since relative surplus- value in- creases in direct proportion to the development of the produc- tiveness of labour, while, on the other hand, the value of com- modities diminishes in the same proportion; since one and the same process cheapens commodities, and augments the surplus- value contained in them; we have here the solution of the riddle: why does the capitalist, whose sole concern is the pro- duction of exchange- value, continually strive to depress the exchange-value of commodities? A riddle with which Quesnay, 1 ** In whatever proportion the expenses of a labourer are diminished, in the same proportion will his wages be diminished, if the restraints upon industry are at the same time taken off." (" Considerations concerning taking off the Bounty on Corn Ex- ported," &c., Lond., 1753, p. 7.) " The interest of trade requires, that corn and all provisions should be as cheap as possible; for whatever makes them dear, must make labour dear also...in all countries, where industry is not restrained, the price of provisions must affect the price of labour. This will always be diminished when the necessaries of life grow cheaper. " (1. c. p. 3.) "Wages are decreased in the same proportion as the powers of production increase. Machinery, it is true, cheapens the necessaries of life, but it also cheapens the labourer." ("A Prize Essay on the Comparative Merits of Competition and Co-operation." London, 1834, p. 27.)
310 Capitalist Production.
one of the founders of political economy, tormented his opponents, and to which they could give him no answer. " You acknowledge," he says, "that the more expenses and the cost of labour can, in the manufacture of industrial products, be reduced without injury to production, the more advantage- ous is such reduction, because it diminishes the price of the finished article. And yet. you believe that the production of wealth, wliich arises from the labour of the workpeople, con- sists in the aucrmentabion of the exchanoe-value of their o o products."^ o o products."^ The shortening of the working day is, therefore, by no means what is aimed at, in capitalist production, when labour is economised by increasing its productiveness.^ It is only the shortening of the labour-time, necessary for the production of a definite quantity of commodities, that is aimed at. The fact that the workman, when the productiveness of his labour has been increased, produces, say 10 times as many commodities as before, and thus spends one-tenth as much labour-time on each, by no means prevents him from continuing to work 12 hours as lefore, nor from producing in those 12 hours 1200 articles in- stead of 120. Nay, more, his working day may be prolonged at the same time, so as to make him produce, say 1400 articles in 14 hours. In the treatises, therefore, of economists of the stamp of MacCulloch, Ure, Senior, and tutti quanti, we may read upon one page, that the labourer owes a debt of gratitude to capital for developing his productiveness, because the necessary labour-time is thereby shortened, and on the next page, that he must prove his gratitude by working in future ^ " lis conviennent que plus on peut, sans prejudice, epargner de frais ou de travaux dispendieux dans la fabrication des ouvrages des artisans, plus cette epargne est pro- fitable par la diminution des prix de ces ouvrages. Cependant ils croient que la pro- duction de richesse qui resulte des travaux des artisans consiste dans I'augmentation de la valeur venale de leurs ouvrages. " (Quesnay: ' ' Dialogues sur le Commerce et sur leg Travaux des artisans," pp. 188, 189.)
2 " Ces speculateurs si economes du travail des ouvriers qu'il faudrait qu'ils pay- assent." (J. N. Bidaut: *'Du Monopole qui s'6tablit dans les arts industriels et le commerce." Paris, 1828, p. 13.) "The employer will be always on the stretch to economise time and labour.'* (Dugald Stewart: Works ed. by Sir W. Hainilton. Edinburgh, v. viii., 1855. Lectures on Polit. Econ., p. 318.) "Their (the capitalists') interest is that the productive powers of the labourers they employ should be the greatest possible. On promoting that power their attention is fixed and almost ex- clusively fixed." (R. Jones: 1 o Lecture III.)
Co- Operation. 311 Co- Operation. 311 for 15 hours instead of 10. The object of all development of the productiveness of labour, within the limits of capitalist production, is to shorten that part of the working day, during which the workman must labour for his own benefit, and by that very shortening, to lengthen the other part of the day, during which he is at liberty to work gratis for the capitalist. How far this result is also attainable, without cheapening commodities, will appear from an examination of the particular modes of producing relative surplus-value, to which examina- tion we now proceed.
CHAPTER XIII.
CO-OPERATION.
Capitalist production only then really begins, as we have already seen, when each individual capital employs simultane- ously a comparatively large number of labourers; when conse- quently the labour-process is carried on on an extensive scale and yields, relatively, large quantities of products. A greater number of labourers working: too^ether, at the same time, in one place (or, if you will, in the same field of labour), in order to produce the same sort of commodity under the mastership of one capitalist, constitutes, both historically and logically, the starting point of capitalist production. With regard to the mode of production itself, manufacture, in its strict mean- ing, is hardly to be distinguished, in its earliest stages, from the handicraft trades of the guilds, otherwise than by the greater number of workmen simultaneously employed by one and the same individual capital. The workshop of the mediaeval master handicraftsman is simply enlarged.
At first, therefore, the difference is purely quantitative. We have shown that the surplus-value produced by a given capital is equal to the surplus-value produced by each workman mul- tiplied by the number of workmen simultaneously employed. The number of workmen in itself does not affect, either the rate of surplus- value, or the degree of exploitation of labour-power. If a working day of 12 hours be embodied in six shillings, 1200 312 Capitalist Production such days will be embodied in 1200 times 6 shillings. In one case 12 X 1200 working hours, and in the other 12 such hours are incorporated in the product. In the production of value a number of workmen rank merely as so many individual workmen; and it therefore makes no difference in the value produced whether the 1200 men work separately, or united under the control of one capitalist Nevertheless, within certain limits, a modification takes place. The labour realised in value, is labour of an average social quality; is consequently the expenditure of average labour-power. Any average magnitude, however, is merely the average of a number of separate magnitudes all of one kind, but differing as to quantity. In every industry, each individual labourer, be he Peter or Paul, differs from the average labourer. These individual differences, or " errors " as they are called in mathematics, compensate one another, and vanish, whenever a certain minimum number of workmen are employed together. The celebrated sophist and sycophant, Edmund Burke, goes so far as to make the following assertion, based on his practical observations as a farmer; viz., that " in so small a platoon " as that of ^w^ farm labourers, all indi- vidual differences in the labour vanish, and that consequently any given five adult farm labourers taken together, will in the same time do as much work as any other five.^ But, however that may be, it is clear, that the collective working day of a large number of Workmen simultaneously employed, divided by the number of these workmen, gives one day of average social labour. For example, let the working day of each individual be 12 hours. Then the collective working day of 12 men simultaneously employed, consists of 144 hours; and although the labour of each of the dozen men may deviate "^ "Unquestionably, there is a good deal of difference between the value of one man's labour and that of another from strength, dexterity, and honest application. But I am quite sure, from my best observation, that any given five men will, in their total, afford a proportion of labour equal to any other five within the periods of life I have stated; that is, that among such five men there will be one possessing all the qualifications of a good workman, one bad, and the other three middling, and ap- proximating to the first and the last. So that in so small a platoon as that of even five, you will find the full complement of all that five men can earn. " (E. Burke, 1. c. p. 15, 16). Compare Quetelet on the average individual.
more or less from average social labour, each of them requiring a different time for the same operation, yet since the work- ing day of each is one-twelfth of the collective working day of 144« hours, it possesses the qualities of an average social working day. From the point of view, however, of the capi- talist who employs these 12 men, the working day is that of the whole dozen. Each individual man's day is an aliquot part of the collective working day, no matter whether the 12 men assist one another in their work, or whether the connexion between their operations consists merely in the fact, that the men are all working for the same capitalist. But if the 1 2 men are employed in six pairs, by as many different small masters, it will be quite a matter of chance, whether each of these masters produces the same value, and consequently whether he realises the general rate of surplus-value. Devia- tions would occur in individual cases. If one workman re- quired considerably more time for the production of a com- modity than is socially necessary, the duration of the necessary labour-time would, in his case, sensibly deviate from the labour- time socially necessary on an average; and consequently his labour would not count as average labour, nor his labourpower as average labour-power. Ic would either be not sale- able at all, or only at something below the average value of labour-power. A fixed minimum of efficiency in all labour is therefore assumed, and we shall see, later on, that capita- list production provides the means of fixing this minimum. Nevertheless, this minimum deviates from the average, al- though on the other hand the capitalist has to pay the average value of labour-power. Of the six small masters, one would therefore squeeze out more than the average rate of surplus- •value, another less. The inequalities would be compensated for the society at large, but not for the individual masters. Thus the laws of the production of value are only fully realised for the individual producer, when he produces as a capitalist, and employes a number of workmen together, whose labour, by its collective nature, is at once stamped as average social labour.^ ' Professor Roscher claims to have discovered that one needlewoman employed by 314 Capitalist Production.
Even without an alteration in the system of working, the simultaneous employment of a large number of labourers effects a revolution in the material conditions of the labour- process. The buildings in which they work, the store-houses for the raw material, the implements and utensils used simul- taneously or in turns by the workmen; in short, a portion of the means of production, are now consumed in common. On the one hand, the exchange-value of these means of production is not increased; for the exchange-value of a commodity is not raised by its use- value being consumed more thoroughly and to greater advantage. On the other hand, they are used in com- mon, and therefore on a larger scale than before. A room where twenty weavers work at twenty looms must be larger than the room of a sincrle weaver with two assistants. But it costs less labour to build one workshop for twenty persons than to build ten to accommodate two weavers each; thus the value of the means of production that are concentrated for use in common on a large scale does not increase in direct pro- portion to the expansion and to the increased useful effect of those means. When consumed in common, they give up a smaller part of their value to each single product; partly because the total value they part with is spread over a greater quantity of products, and partly because their value, though absolutely greater, is, having regard to their sphere of action in the process, relatively less than the value of isolated means of production. Owing to this, the value of a part of the constant capital falls, and in proportion to the magnitude of the fall, the total value of the commodity also falls. The effect is the same as if the means of production had cost less. The economy in their application is entirely owing to their being con- sumed in common by a large number of workmen. Moreover, this character of being necessary conditions of social labour, a character that distinguishes them from the dispersed and relatively more costly means of production of isolated, inde- pendent labourers, or small masters, is acquired even when the Mrs. Roscher during two days, does more work than two needlewomen employed together during one day. The learned professor should not study the capitalist pro- cess of production in the nursery, nor under circumstances where the principal per- sonage, the capitalist, is wanting.
Co-Operation, 315 numerous workmen assembled togetlier do not assist one another, but merely work side by side. A portion of the instruments of labour acquires this social character before the labour-process itself does so.
Economy in the use of the means of production has to be considered under two aspects. First, as cheapening commodi- ties, and thereby bringing about a fall in the value of labour- power. Secondly, as altering the ratio of the surplus-value to the total capital advanced, i.e., to the sum of the values of the constant and variable capital. The latter aspect will not be considered until we come to the third book, to which, with the object of treating them in their proper connexion, we also relegate many other points that relate to the present question. The march of our analysis compels this splitting up of the subject matter, a splitting up that is quite in keeping with the spirit of capitalist production. For since, in this mode of pro- duction, the workman finds the instruments of labour exivsting independently of him as another man's property, economy in their use appears, with regard to him, to be a distinct operation, one that does not concern him, and which, therefore, has no connextion with the methods by which his own personal pro- ductiveness is increased.
When numerous labourers work together side by side, whether in one and the same process, or in different but con- nected processes, they are said to co-operate, or to work in co- operation.^ Just as the offensive power of a squadron of cavalry, or the defensive power of a regiment of infantry, is essentially different from the sum of the offensive or defensive powers of the individual cavalry or infantry soldiers taken separately, so the sum total of the mechanical forces exerted by isolated workmen differs from the social force that is developed, when many hands take part simultaneously in one and the same un- divided operation, such as raising a heavy weight, turning a winch, or removing an obstacle.^ In such cases the effect of 1 ** Concourn de forces." (Destutt de Tracy, 1. c, p. 78.)
2 " There are numerous operations of so simple a kind as not to admit a division into parts, which cannot be performed without the co-operation of many pairs of hands. I would instance the lifting of a large tree on to a wain...everything, iu 3i6 Capitalist Production, the combined labour could either not be produced at all by isolated individual labour, or it could only be produced by a great expenditure of time, or on a very dwarfed scale. Not only have we here an increase in the productive power of the individual, by means of co-operation, but the creation of a new power, namely, the collective power of masses.^ -Apart from the new power that arises from the fusion of many forces into one single force, mere social contact begets in most industries an emulation and a stimulation of the animal spirits that heighten the efficiency of each individual workman. Hence it is that a dozen persons working together will, in their collective working-day of 144 hours, produce far more than twelve isolated men each working 12 hours, or than one man who works twelve days in succession.^ The reason of this is that man is, if not as Aristotle contends, a political,^ at all events a social animal.