* T‘ai-sheu means governor. Thé-pang (in Chinese Tai-fang) was at one ‘time a district of the Chinese province of Lolang in Corea. A map of China under the Tsin dynasty, however, makes Thé-pang a separate district further to the north. But the Governor of Thé-pang mentioned in the Wei history under the name of @l}) 33 and the Governor of Lolang called by the “ Tong- kam” ij JE are probably the same person..
Another authority makes Thé-pang identical with Namwén in Chdllato.
> These officials, as. we learn from other sources, were sent by the Chinese authorities of Sakpang in Corea, not far from the present Treaty Port of Wonsan. See “Early Japanese History,” p. 58; “Ishdnihonden,” I. 11; “ Tongkam,” III. 17.
246 NIHONGI.
43rd year.
The Ruler’ of Wa again sent high officers as envoys with tribute, named I Shing-ché, Yih-Ye-yoh,’* and others —eight persons in all. ° 46th year, Spring, 3rd month, rst day. Shima no Sukune ' was sent to the Land of Thak-syun.* Hereupon Malkeum Kanki,* King of Thak-syun, informed Shima no Sukune, saying:—‘‘In the course of the year Kinoye Ne,’ three men of Pékché named Kutyé, Mi-chyu-nyu, and Moko * came to my country and said:—‘ The King of Pekché, hearing that in the Eastern quarter there is an honourable country, has sent thy servants to this honourable country’s court. Therefore we beg of thee a passage: so that we may go to that Land. If thou wilt be good enough to instruct thy servants and cause us to pass along the roads, our King will certainly show profound kindness to my Lord the King.’* I then said to Kutyé and his fellows:—‘I have always heard that there is an honourable country in the East, but I have had no communication with it, and do not know the way. There is nothing but far seas and towering billows, so that in a large ship, one can hardly com- municate. Even if there were a regular crossing-place, how could you arrive there?’ Hereupon Kuty6 and the others said:—‘ Well, then, for the present we cannot communicate. Our best plan will be to go back again, and prepare a ship with which to communicate later.’ They also said:—‘If envoys should come from the honourable country, thou oughtest surely to inform our country.’ Thus they went back. Hereupon i =.
i =.
2 It is doubtful whether these six syllables represent the names of one, two, or three men. I cannot guess what Japanese names are meant. The “ Tshonihonden ” gives some of the characters differently.
The “ Shukai” edition rejects these extracts from Chinese History. They were doubtless added at a later date.
3 The Chinese characters are c= (%, of which the traditional kana render- ing is Toku-shiu. The “Shukai” editor says it was part of Imna (or Mimana). Its destruction by Silla is recorded below—sth year of Kimmei Tenno.
4 The Japanese traditional rendering is Makin Kanki.
6 The Japanese kana gloss has Kutei, Mitsuru, and Mako.
7 This is quite inconsistent with the story of Pékché offering homage to the Empress in the early part of her reign.
JINGO. 247 Shima no Sukune sent one of his followers named Nihaya, and a Thak-syun man named Kwa-ko to the Land of Pékché to make friendly inquiries of the King’s health.
King Syo-ko' of Pekché was profoundly pleased, and received them cordially. He presented to Nihaya a roll each of five kinds of dyed silk, a horn-bow’ and arrows, together with forty bars of iron.® Thereafter he opened his treasure-house, and pointing to his various rare objects, said:—‘‘ In my country there is great store of these rare treasures. I have wished to pay tribute of thern to the honourable country, but not knowing the way I was unable to carry out my intention. I shall now entrust them to envoys, who will visit your country in order to offer them.” Nihaya took charge of this message, and on his return informed Shima no Sukune, who thereupon came back from Thak-syun.
47th year, Summer, 4th month. The King of Pekché sent Kuty6, Mi-chu-nyu and Ma-ko with tribute. Now a tribute envoy from Silla came along with Kuty6. Hereupon the Grand Empress and the Prince Imperial Homuda wake no Mikoto were greatly delighted and said:—‘‘ People from the countries wished for* by our late Sovereign have now come to Court. Alas! that they cannot meet the Emperor!” There was not one of all the ministers who did not shed tears. But when the articles of tribute of the two countries were examined, the Silla tribute was of rare objects in very great number, while the Pékché tribute articles were few and mean, and of no value. So inquiry was made of Kuty6 and the others, saying:—‘‘ How is it that the Pekché tribute is inferior to that of Silla?”’ They answered, and said;—‘‘ We lost our way and arrived at Sabi.’
1 There are two kings of this name in Corean history. The first died A.D. 214. This is the second, who reigned from A.D, 346 to A.D. 375. The Japanese chronology is, as usual, at fault.
2 The Corean bow is to this day the Tatar bow described in Tylor’s Anthropology as “formed of several pieces of wood or horn united with glue or sinews. Shorter than the long-bow, it gets its spring by being bent outside to string it.”. The Japanese bow is a variety of the ordinary long-bow, ’ Tron is plentiful in Corea at the present day, and its quality is much esteemed. r + On the contrary, Chiuai Tenno would have nothing to do with them.
5 A Sabi in Tsushima is mentioned above. But this may be a place in Corea, in which case it should be read Sapi.
248 NIHONGI.
Here thy servants were captured by men of Silla and confined ina gaol. After three months had passed, they wished to kill us. Then Kutyé and the rest looked up towards Heaven, and pronounced a curse. The men of Silla, fearing this curse, refrained from killing us, but robbed us of our tribute. Then they gave us the tribute of Silla in exchange for our tribute, and made it the tribute of thy servants’ country, and they spake to thy servants, saying:—‘ Be careful what ye say, or else, as soon as we return, we will kill you.’ Therefore we, Kuty6 and the rest, were afraid, and made’ no objection. For this reason we have hardly been able to reach the Heavenly Court.” Then the Grand Empress and Homuda wake no Mikoto charged the Silla envoys with this deed, and accord- ingly prayed to the Gods of Heaven, saying:—‘‘ Whom is it meet that we send to Pékché to examine this matter whether it be true or false; whom is it meet that we send to Silla to investigate this charge?” Therewith the Gods of Heaven admonished them, saying:—‘‘ Let Takechi no Sukune prepare a plan, and let Chikuma Nagahiko be the envoy. Then it will be as you desire.” Chikuma Nagahiko’s title (WE) is unknown. Oneaccount says:—“‘Chikuma Nagahiko was a man of the province of Musashi, the first ancestor of the present Obito S Tsukimoto of the Nukada Be.” The Peékché record' says:—‘‘ Shimananaga hiko was perhaps this man.” Hereupon Chikuma Nagahiko was sent to Silla to call that country to an account for meddling with the Pekché tribute. 49th year, Spring, 3rd month. Areda wake and Kaga wake were made generals. Along with Kutyé and the others they prepared a force with which they crossed over and came to Thak-syun. They were accordingly about to invade Silla, when some one said:—‘‘ Your troops are too few. You cannot defeat Silla.”” They respectfully sent back again Sya-pék Keé-ro 1 This Pékché record is frequently quoted from. From the circumstance that the character AD honourable, is used by the author or authors before the word country in speaking of Japan, it may be inferred that it was compiled by Pékché Coreans from their own records for the information of the Japanese. I have not much doubt that it was the work of some of the Corean scholars who visited Japan in numbers during the seventh century.
JINGO. 249 to ask for reinforcements. Mong-na Keun-cha and Sya-sya Nokwé’?
These two men’s surname is unknown. But Mongna Keuncha was a Pekché general.
were forthwith ordered to take command of choice troops which were sent along with Sya-pék Ké-ro.. They all assembled at Thak-syun, invaded Silla, and conquered it. Seven provinces were accordingly subdued, viz. Pi-chi-pun, South Kara, Tok- kuk, Ara, Tara, Thak-syun, and Kara.2, Then they moved their forces, and turning westward, arrived at Ko-hyé-chin, where they slaughtered the southern savages of Chim-mi-ta-nyé and granted their country to Pékché. Hereupon their King, Syoko,* together with Prince Kusyu, came to meet them with more troops. Then four villages, viz. Pi-ri, Phi-chung, Pho- mi-ki, and Pan-ko, spontaneously surrendered. Thereupon the Kings of Pekché, father and son, met Areda wake, Mong-na Keuncha, and the rest at the village of Wi-niu [ow called Tsurusugt).and at an interview offered their congratulations and dismissed them with cordial courtesy. But Chikuma Nagahiko remained in the Land of Pékché with the King of Pekché, where they ascended Mount Phi-ki and made a solemn declaration. Afterwards they ascended Mount*® Ko-sya, where they sat together upon a rock, and the King of Pekché made a solemn declaration, saying:—‘‘If I spread grass for us to sit upon, it might be burnt with fire; and if I took wood fora seat, it might be washed away by water. Therefore, sitting on a rock, I make this solemn declaration of alliance to show that it will remain undecayed to distant ages. From this time ' In Japanese Mokura Konshi and Sasa Toki.
* These places, in so far as they can be identified, did not belong to Silla, but to Imna. The identification of Corean names of places presents great difficulties, owing to the Corean mania for giving new names. The “ Chésen Zenzu furoku,” a little book published by the Japanese War Office, gives as many as eight aliases for some towns. Nearly all have several.
° Reigned 346 to 375, when he was succeeded by Kusyu. The “ Nihongi” names are nearly correct.
* Japanese pronunciation.
* Mountain is in the interlinear kana mure, no doubt the modern Corean moi. Similarly, nare, river, which occurs in Kuma-nare, is in modern Corean nai, pronounced né.
XE G); IX.
250 NIHONGI.
forward, therefore, for a thousand autumns and for ten thou- sand years, without pause and without limit, we shall bear the regular title of ‘The Western Frontier Province,’ and every spring and every autumn will attend your Court with tribute.” So he took with him Chikuma Nagahiko to his capital, where he treated him with the most cordial courtesy. He also made Kutyo and the others escort him home.
50th year, Spring, 2nd month. Areda wake and his com- panions returned.
Summer, 5th month. Chikuma Nagahiko, Kutyo and the rest arrived from Pékché. Thereupon the Grand Empress was delighted, and inquired of Kuty6, saying:-—‘‘ The various Han! countries west of the sea have been already granted to thy country. Wherefore dost thou come again repeatedly?” Kuty6 and the others said to the Empress:—‘‘ The vast 30. blessings of the Celestial Court reached afar to our mean village, and our king capered with delight. Out of the fulness of his heart he has sent a return mission in token of his great sincerity. Though it come to the ten thousandth year, in what year shall we fail to attend thy Court?”’ The Grand Empress gave command, saying:—‘‘ Good are thy words. These are Our intentions. We grant in addition the Castle of Tasya to serve as a station in going and returning.”
51st year, Spring, 3rd month. The King of Pékché again sent Kutyé to the Court with tribute. Hereupon the Grand Empress addressed the Prince Imperial and Takechi no Su- kune, saying:—‘‘ We owe it to Heaven and not to man that we have a friendly country like Corea. Therefore it brings con- stantly, without missing a year, tribute of trinkets and rarities such as there have never been before. We, seeing this true affection, are always rejoiced at it,.and so long as we live will heartily bestow on it Our favour.”
That same year she despatched Chikuma Raeabien to the Land of Pékché in company with Kutyé and the others. Accordingly, in the most gracious manner, she said:—‘‘ We, in accordance with the divine testimony, having for the first time laid open a road, subdued the lands west of the sea and granted them to Pékché, would now again draw closer the bonds of friendship and make lasting our loving bounty.’’
1 Corean.
JINGO. 251 At this time the Kings of Pékché, father and son, both together knocked their foreheads on the ground and made representa- tion, saying:—‘‘ The immense bounty of the honourable country is more weighty than Heaven and Earth. What day, what hour shall we presume to forget it? The sage sovereign dwells above, illustrious as the sun and moon; thy servants now dwell below, solid as a mountain or hill, and will always be thy western frontier land, never to the last showing double hearts.”
52nd year, Autumn, gth month, roth day. Kutyé and the others came along with Chikuma Nagahiko and presented a seven-branched! sword and a seven-little-one?-mirror, with various other objects of great value. They addressed the Empress, saying:—‘‘West of thy servants’ country there is a river-source which issues from Mount Cholsan® in. Kong-na. It is distant seven days’ journey. It need not be approached, but one should drink of this water, and so having gotten the iron of this mountain, wait upon the sage Court for all ages.” Moreover, he‘ addressed his grandson, Prince Chhim-nyu,’ saying:—‘‘ The honourable country east of the sea with which we are now in communication has been opened to us by Heaven. Therefore does it bestow on us Celestial bounty, and dividing off the land west of the sea, has granted it to us. Consequently the foundation of our land is confirmed for ever. Thou shouldst cultivate well its friendship, and having col- lected our national products, wait on it with tribute without ceasing. Henceforth, grudging not even our lives, let us continue to send yearly tribute.”
55th year. Syoko, King of Pékché, died.° 56th year. Kusyu, son of the King of Pékché, was set up as king.’ ° 1 The traditional kana rendering is nana-saya, i.e. a “ sword,” which is nonsense. Seven-branched is not much better.
2 It is not clear what is meant by nanatsuko (++ -), perhaps with seven projections round the rim. See above, p. 44.
8 Iron mountain. All this about iron is merely symbolical of constancy.
4 The King of Pékché. > Came to the throne A.D. 384.
§ The “ Tongkam” places his death in A.D. 375.
7 The traditional kana rendering of E is Kokishi, a word I do not recognize as Corean. But nearly all Corean words relating to official matters have become obsolete, being replaced by Chinese terms.
62nd year. Silla did not attend the Court. The same year Sotsuhiko was sent to chastise Silla.
The Pékché record says:—‘‘ The year Midzunoye Muma.' Silla did not wait upon the honourable country.. The honourable country sent Sachihiko to attack it. The men of Silla dressed up two beautiful women whom they sent to meet Sachihiko at the port and inveigle him.. Sachihiko accepted them, and turning aside, attacked the land of Kara. Kwi-pon? Kanki, King of Kara, and his sons, Pék- ku-chi, A-syu-chi, Ik-sya-ri, I-ra-ma-chyu, and I-mun-chi, fled to Pekché, taking with them their subjects. Pékché received them cordially, and Kwi-chén-chi, younger sister of the King of Kara, went to Great Wa and addressed the Empress, saying:—‘ Your majesty sent Sachihiko to attack Silla. But he has accepted beautiful women of Silla, and abandoned the invasion. On the contrary he has destroyed our country. My brothers and our people have all been driven into exile. Unable to bear my grief, I have come hither to make this representation.” The Empress was greatly enraged, and forthwith sent Mongna Keuncha in command of an army to bring them together in Kara and to restore the temples of the Earth and of Grain.”
One account says:—‘‘ Sachihiko, when he learnt that the Empress was wroth with him, did not dare to return openly, but hid himself. He had a younger sister who was in the service of the Imperial Palace. Hiko secretly sent a messenger to inquire of her whether or no the Empress’s wrath had abated. She, pretending a dream, said to the Empress:—‘ To-night, in a dream, I saw Sachihiko.’ The Empress was greatly enraged, and said:—‘ How should Hiko dare to come?’ The Em- press’s * words were reported to Sachihiko, who seeing that he would not be pardoned, went into a cave. of a rock and died.”
' 19th year of the Cycle, corresponding to A.D. 382. ? T Si-Pheum was the name of the King of Kara at this time, according to - the “ Tongkam.”
% The word for Empress is Tenné, which may also mean Emperor, and indeed this suits the narrative better.
JINGO. - 253 64th year.’ Kusyu, King of Pékché, died, and his son Chhim-nyu was set up as king. | 65th year. King Chhim-nyu of Pékché died.? His son Ahwa was a child, and his father’s younger brother, Sinsa, by usurpation was set up and made king.’
66th year.
This year was the second year of the period T‘ai She of the Emperor Wu Ti of the Tsin Dynasty. K‘i Kii-chu of Tsin says:—‘‘In the roth month of the 2nd year of the period T‘ai-she of Wu Ti, the Queen of Wa sent inter- preters with tribute.”
69th year, Summer, 4th month, 17th day. The Grand Empress died in the Palace of Waka-zakura at the age of 100. Winter, roth month, 15th day. She was buried in the misasagi of Tatanami in Saki. On this day, by way of posthumous honour to the Grand Empress, she was called Okinaga Tarashi-hime no Mikoto. This year was the year Tsuchinoto Ushi (26th) of the Cycle.
* This is mentioned almost in the same words by the “ Tongkam” under date A.D. 385—just two cycles later.
* The narrative from p. 246 down to this point contains a solid nucleus of fact. There can be no doubt that Japan at an early period formed an alliance with Pékché and laid the foundation of a controlling power over the territory known as Imna or Mimana which lasted for several centuries. But the Japanese chronology cannot be right. See “Early Japanese History,” p. 62.
A.D.
A.D.
A.D.
BOOK X.
THE EMPEROR HOMUDA. (OJIN? TENNO.)
THE Emperor Homuda? was the 4th child of the Emperor Tarashi Nakatsu-hiko. His mother’s name was Okinaga Tarashi-hime no Mikoto. The Emperor was born at Kata in Tsukushi in the 12th month, Winter, of the year Kanoye Tatsu,’ being the year in which the Empress smote Silla. From a child he was intelligent, penetrating, and far-sighted. In his bearing and conduct there were amazing indications of sageness. In the third year of the Grand Empress’s administration of the Government, he was raised to the rank of Prince Imperial. Before this time, when the Emperor was in the. womb, the Gods of Heaven and Earth granted to him the three Han.’* When he was born there was flesh growing on his arm-in shape like an elbow-pad.’? As to this resemblance, the Empress judged that it was the elbow-pad worn as a manly accoutre- ment. Therefore he was styled by this name, and called the Emperor Homuda. In the earliest antiquity, the tomo was commonly called Homuda.. One account says:—‘‘In the beginning, when the Emperor was made Heir to the. Throne, he went to the Responding to the Gods.
2 The “ Kojiki” calls him Homuda wake. Homuda.or Honda is the name of a place.
3 17th of the Cycle. *"Coréa, * The Zomo or leather shield worn on the fore-arm by archers as a pro- tection against the recoil of the bow-string.
Oyrn. 255 Land of Koshi, and did worship to the Great God of Tsu- tsuhiin Tsunoga. At this time the Great God and the Heir to the Throne exchanged names. Accordingly the Great God was called the God Isasa-wake and the Heir to the Throne Homuda wake no Mikoto.’ In the 69th year of her administration of the Government, Summer, the 4th month, the Grand Empress died. 3 Ist year, Spring, Ist month, 1st day. The Prince Imperial 4p. 270 assumed the Dignity. This year was the year Kanoye Tora (27th) of the Cycle. 2nd year, Spring, 3rd month, 3rd day. Nakatsuhime was a.D. 271. appointed Empress. She gave birth to the Imperial Princess Arata, to the Emperor Oho-sazaki, and to the Imperial Prince Netori. Before this the Emperor had taken to him as concu- bine the Empress’s younger sister, Takaki Iribime, who bore to him the Imperial Prince Nukada no Oho-naka-hiko, the Im- perial Prince Oho-yama-mori, the Imperial Prince Iza no mawaka, the Imperial Princess Oho-hara, and the Imperial Princess Komida. Another concubine, a younger sister of the Empress, named Otohime, bore to him the Imperial Princess Ahe, the Imperial Princess Ahaji no Mihara, and the Imperial Princess Kino Uno. The next concubine, daughter of Hifure no Omi, the ancestor of the Wani no Omi, by name Miya- nushi-yaka-hime, bore the Imperial Prince Uji no Waka- iratsuko, the Imperial Princess Yata, and the Imperial Princess Medori. The next concubine, named Oname-hime, the - younger sister of Yaka-bime, bore the Imperial Prince Uji no waka-iratsu-me. The next concubine, named Oto-hime, daughter of Kaha-mata Nakatsu hiko, bore the Imperial Prince Wakanoke Futa-mata. The next concubine, named Xx: 3. Mago-hime, younger sister of Osabi, Muraji of the Sakurawi- da Be, bore the Imperial Prince Hayabusa wake. The next concubine, named Naga-hime, of Idzumi in Hiuga, bore the Imperial Princes Oho-haye and Wo-haye. In all the sons and daughters of this Emperor were together twenty Princes and Princesses.? The Imperial Prince Netori was the first ancestor of the Kimiof Ohota. The Imperial Prince ‘ There is a Semitic practice of men adopting Gods’ names. * Cf. Ch. K., p. 243, which makes 26 children, and differs in some details.
ASD 272 256 NIHONGI.
Oho-yama-mori was the first ancestor of the two families of the Kimi of Hiji-kata and the Kimi of Haibara. The Imperial Prince Iza no mawaka was the first ancestor of the Wake of Fukagaha.
3rd year, roth month, 3rd day. The Eastern Yemishi all attended the Court with tribute. They were employed to make the Mtma-zaka road.
11th month. The fishermen of several places clamoured noisily, and would not obey the Imperial command. So Oho- hama no Sukune, ancestor of the Muraji of Adzumi, was sent to subdue this clamour. He was accordingly made controller of the fishermen. This was the origin of the proverbial saying of the people of that time, viz. Sawa-ama or “‘clamorous fishermen.”’
This year King Sins’ of Pékché was disrespectful to the Celestial Court. Therefore Kino Tsuno no Sukune, Hata no . Yashiro no Sukune, Ishikaha no Sukune and Tsuku no Sukune were sent to call him to an account for his rudeness. Here- upon the people of Pékché slew Sins& by way of apology. Ki no Tsuno no Sukune and the others accordingly established Ahwa as king, and returned (to Japan).'
5th year, Autumn, 8th month, 13th day. The various pro- vinces were directed to establish Be of fishermen and Be of mountain wardens.”
Winter, roth month. The province of Idzu was charged with the duty of constructing a ship 10 rods* in length. As soon as it was completed, it was launched on the sea for a trial. It floated lightly, and was as swift as a racer. There- fore that ship was called Karano.
(lt ts a mistake to make the ship called Karano because tt was The “ Tongkam,” under date A.D. 392, has the following:—“ 1oth month. The king of Pékché went to hunt on Ku-wén (dog-moor). Ten days elapsed without his returning. sith month. King Sinsdi of Pékché died in his travelling palace on Dog-moor. Ahwa, son of King Chhim-nyu, came to the throne.” Note that the Corean and Japanese chronologies differ by exactly 120 years, or two cycles. But the two stories are apparently irreconcilable. See below, XI. 26.
* Gamekeepers or huntsmen, whose business it was to supply’ the Imperial table.
‘4 Of ten feet.
OjIn. 257 light and swift. Perhaps this 7s a corruption by men of later times of Karuno. | 6th year, Spring, 2nd month. The Emperor made a progress to the province of Afumi. When he arrived near the Moor of Uji, he made a song, saying:— When I look upon the moor of Kadzu In Chiba, Both the hundred thousand fold abundant House-places are visible, And the land’s acme is visible.?
7th year, Autumn, gth month. Men of Koryd, men of Pekché, men of Imna, and men of Silla® all together attended the Court. Orders were then given to Takechi no Sukune to take these various men of Han and make them dig a pond. Therefore the pond was given a name, and was called the pond of the men of Han.* ny es, 8th year, Spring, 3rd month. Men of Pékché attended Court.
The Pékché record says:—‘‘ King Ahwa came to the throne and was disrespectful * to the honourable country. Therefore we were despoiled of Chhim-mi-ta-ryd, Hyon- nam, Chi-chhim, Kong-na, and Eastern Han. Herewith Prince Chik-chi* was sent to the Celestial Court in order to restore the friendship of former kings.
gth year, Summer, 4th month. Takechi no Sukune was sent to Tsukushi to inspect the people. Now Umashi no Sukune, Takechi no Sukune’s younger brother, setting aside his elder brother, slandered him to the Emperor, (saying that) Takechi no Sukune had always designs upon the Eimpice, — now hear,” said he, ‘‘ that while he isin Tsukushi, he is secretly ' Kara means withered, and zo, moor, or the latter may be put. phonetically for zo the genitive particle. Karu means light. The “Shukai” editor rejects this note.
* The traditional kana rendering has Koma, Kudara, Mimana and Shiraki., ° See above, p. 256, where it is said that it was King Sinsa who was dis- respectful.
° The “ Tongkam” calls him Tyénchi, and places this event in 397.
iS) 258 NIHONGI.
plotting to that end, saying (to himself), ‘Alone I will cut off Tsukushi, and will invite the three Han to come and do homage to me, so that finally I may possess the Empire.’ ” Hereupon the Emperor straightway sent messengers to slay Takechi no Sukune. Now Takechi no Sukune cried out, saying:—‘‘I have not two hearts, but serve my prince with loyalty. What a calamity is this that I’should die without a erie f* Now there was a man named Maneko, ancestor of the Atahe of Iki, who in appearance strongly resembled Takechi no Sukune. All by himself he grudged that Takechi no Sukune’s innocent life should be vainly thrown away. | So he spoke to Takechi no Sukune and said:—‘‘ Now the Great Minister’ serves his Prince with loyalty, and has not had a black heart. All the Empire knows this. I pray thee leave this place secretly, and, proceeding to the Court, personally unfold thine innocence. After this it will not be too late to die. Moreover the people of this time are always saying that thy slave resem- bles the Great Minister in appearance. Therefore I will now die in the place of the Great Minister, and so make clear the Great Minister’s redness of heart.”? So he threw himself on his sword, and slew himself. Then Takechi no Sukune, alone, grieving greatly for him, secretly left Tsukushi, and embarking on the sea, went round by way of the Southern Ocean. Anchor- ing in the harbour of Ki, he hardly succeeded in making his way to the Court, where he explained his innocence. The Emperor forthwith questioned Takechi no Sukune along with Umashi no Sukune, upon which these two men were each ob- stinate, and wrangled with one another, so that it was impossible to ascertain the right and the wrong. The Emperor then gave orders to ask of the Gods of Heaven and Earth the ordeal by boiling water. Hereupon Takechi no Sukune and Umashi no.Sukune went out together to the bank of the Shiki river, and underwent the ordeal of boiling water. Takechi no Sukune was victorious. Taking his cross-sword, he threw down Umashi no Sukune, and was at length about to slay him, when the Emperor ordered him to let him go. So he gave him to the ancestor of the Atahe of Kii.
OJIN. 259 11th year, Winter, roth month. The Tsurugi, Kakaki, and Mumaya-zaka ponds were made.
This year there was a man who made representation to the Emperor, saying:—‘‘ There is in the land of Hiuga a maiden whose name is Kami-naga-hime.' She is the daughter of Ushi- morowl, the Kimiof Muragata. She is distinguished for beauty over all the Land.’’ The Emperor was pleased, and wished in his heart to obtain her.
13th year, Spring, 3rd month. The Emperor sent a special messenger to summon Kami-naga-hime.
Autumn, gth month. Kami-naga-hime arrived from Hiuga, and was straightway settled at the village of Kuhadzu. Now the Imperial Prince, Oho-sazaki no Mikoto, when he saw Kami- naga-hime, was struck with the beauty of her form, and had a constant love for her. Hereupon the Emperor became aware of Oho-sazaki no Mikoto’s passion for Kami-naga-hime, and wished to:unite her to him. Therewith the Emperor, on the day that he gave a banquet in the hinder palace,? sent for Kami-naga-hime for the first time, and so gave her the upper seat in the banqueting-room. Then he brought in Oho-sazak1 no Mikoto, and pointing to Kami-naga-hime, made a song, saying:— Come! my son!
On the moor, garlic to gather, Garlic to gather On the way as I went, Pleasing of perfume Was the orange in flower.
Its branches beneath Men had all plundered, Its branches above Birds perching had withered. [Of three chestnuts] # Midmost, its branches Held in their hiding A blushing maiden.
Come! and for thee, my son, Let her burst into blossom.
Hereupon Oho-sazaki no Mikoto, being favoured with this The long-haired lady.? i.e. the women’s apartments. 3 This is a mere makura-kotoba of little or no meaning. $2 260 NIHONGI.
poetry, forthwith understood that he was receiving Kami-naga- hime as a gift; and, greatly delighted, made a song in reply, saying:— In the pond of Yosami Where the water collects, The marsh-rope coils Were growing, but I knew not of them: In the river-fork stream, The water-caltrops shells Were pricking me, but I knew not of them.
Oh, my heart!
How very ridiculous thou wert!!
Oho-sazaki no Mikoto, after the consummation of his union with Kami-naga-hime, was very attentive to her, and when he was alone with her, made a song, saying:— The maid of Kohada Of the further province!
As of a God Though I had heard of her, We are folded in each other’s arms.
Again he made a song, saying:— The maid of Kohada Of the further province— | Oh! how I love her, As she lies Unresisting!
One account says.:—‘‘ Ushi, the Kimi of Morogata in Hiuga, was-in the service of the Court. But having become old in years, he was unable to serve, and so, having ceased his service, he retired to his own land. Thereupon he offered the Emperor his own daughter, Kami-naga-hime. _ When she first arrived at Harima, the Emperor had made a progress to the island of Ahaji, and was hunting there. Hereupon the Emperor, looking towards the west, saw several tens of stags swimming 1 In the “ Kojiki” this poem is attributed to the Emperor. See Ch. K., p. 249. The marsh-rope is the Brasenia peltata, according to Chamberlain. The general meaning of the poem seems to be: “ What a fool I was to be in such despair as to be unconscious of bodily suffering, while happiness was all the while near me!”
OJIN. 261