It was proposed to spend the whole day there. Whilst I was turning over the sheets of some of the newspapers I found there, I chanced to see a paragraph in a corner of one of them under the caption “Indian Franchise’. It was with reference to the Bill then before the House of Legislature, which sought to deprive the Indians of their right to elect members of the Natal Legislative Assembly. I was ignorant of the Bill, and so were the rest of the guests who had assembled there.
I inquired of Abdulla Sheth about it. He said: ‘What can we understand in these matters? We can only understand things that affect our trade. As you know all our trade in the Orange Free State has been swept away. We agitated about it, but in vain. We are after all lame men, being unlettered. We generally take in newspapers simply to ascertain the daily market rates, etc. What can we know of legislation? Our eyes and ears are the European attorneys here.’
‘But,’ said I, ‘there are so many youns Indians born and edu- cated here. Do not they help you?’
‘They!’ exclaimed Abdulla Sheth in despair. ‘They never care to come to us, and to tell you the truth, we care less to recognize them. Being Christians, they are under the thumb of the white clergymen, who in their turn are subject to the Government.’
This opened my eyes. I felt that this class should be claimed as our own. Was this the meaning of Christianity? Did they cease to be Indians because they had become Christians?
But I was on the point of returning home and hesitated to express what was passing through my mind in this matter. I simply said to Abdulla Sheth: ‘This Bill, if it passes into law, will make our lot extremely difficult. It is the first nail into our coffin, It strikes at the root of our self-respect.’
MAN PROPOSES, GOD DISPOSES 101 ‘It may,’ echoed Sheth Abdulla. ‘I will tell you the genesis of the franchise question. We knew nothing about it. But Mr. Escombe, one of our best attorneys, whom you know, put the idea into our heads. It happened thus. He is a great fighter, and there being no love lost between him and the Wharf Engineer, he feared that the Engineer might deprive him of his votes and defeat him at the elec- tion. So he acquainted us with our position, and at his instance we all registered ourselves as voters, and voted for him. You will now see how the franchise has not for us the value that you attach to it. But we understand what you say. Well, then, what is your advice??
The other guests were listening to this conversation with atten- tion. One of them said: ‘Shall I tell you what should be done? You cancel your passage by this boat, stay here a month longer, and we will fight as you direct us.’
All the others chimed in: ‘Indeed, indeed. Abdulla Sheth, you Must detain Gandhibhai.’
The Sheth was a shrewd man. He said: ‘I may not detain him Now. Or rather, you have as much right as I to do so. But you are quite right. Let us all persuade him to stay on. But you should remember that he is a barrister. What about his fees?’
The mention of fees pained me, and I broke in: ‘ Abdulla Sheth, fees are out of the question. There can be no fees for public work. I can stay, if at all, as a servant. And as you know, I am not acquain- ted with all these friends. But if you believe that they will co-operate, am prepared to stay a month longer. There is one thing, however. Though you need not pay me anything, work of the nature we contemplate cannot be done without some funds to start with. Thus We may have to send telegrams, we may have to print some literature, some touring may have to be done, the local attorneys May have to be consulted, and as Iam ignorant of your laws, I may Need some law-books for reference. All this cannot be done without Money, And it is clear that one man is not enough for this work.
any must come forward to help him.’
And a chorus of voices was heard: ‘Allah is great and merciful. Money will come in. Men there are, as many as you may need. You Please consent to stay, and all will be well.’ F The fa arty was thus turned into a working committee. I aa e a dinner ete. quickly and getting back home. I Worked out in my own mind an outline of the campaign. I ascer- tained the names of those who were on the list of voters, and made UP my mind to stay on for a month.
Thus God laid the foundations of my life in South Africa and Sowed the seed of the fight for national self-respect.
XVII SETTLED IN NATAL Sheth Haji Muhammad Haji Dada was regarded as the foremost leader of the Indian community in Natal in 1893. Financially Sheth Abdulla Haji Adam was the chief among them, but he and others always gave the first place to Sheth Haji Muhammad in public affairs. A meeting was therefore, held under his presidentship at the house of Abdulla Sheth, at which it was resolved to offer opposition to the Franchise Bill.
Volunteers were enrolled. Natal-born Indians, that is, mostly Christian Indian youths, had been invited to attend this meeting. Mr. Paul, the Durban Court Interpreter, and Mr. Subhan Godfrey, Headmaster of a mission school, were present, and it was they who were responsible for bringing together at the meeting a good number of Christian youths. All these enrolled themselves as volunteers.
Many of the local merchants were of course enrolled, noteworthy among them being Sheths Dawud Muhammad, Muhammad Kasam Kamruddin, Adamji Miyakhan, A. Kolandavellu Pillai, C. Lachhiram, Rangasami Padiachi, and Amad Jiva. Parsi Rustomji was of course there. From among the clerks were Messrs. Manekji, Joshi, Narsinh- ram and others, employees of Dada Abdulla and Co. and other big firms. They were all agreeably surprised to find themselves taking a share in public work. To be invited thus to take part was a new experience in their lives. In face of the calamity that had overtaken the community, all distinctions such as high and low, small and great, master and servant, Hindus, Musalmans, Parsis, Christians, Gujaratis, Madrasis, Sindhis, etc., were forgotten. All were alike the children and servants of the motherland.
The Bill had already passed, or was about to pass, its second reading. In the speeches on the occasion the fact that Indians had expressed no opposition to the stringent Bill was urged as proof of their unfitness for the franchise.
I explained the situation to the meeting. The first thing we did was to despatch a telegram to the Speaker of the Assembly request- ing him to postpone further discussion of the Bill. A similar tele- gram was sent to the Premier, Sir John Robinson, and another to Mr. Escombe, as a friend of Dada Abdulla’s. The Speaker promptly replied that discussion of the Bill would be postponed for two days. This gladdened our hearts.
The petition to be presented to the Legislative Assembly was drawn up. Three copies had to be prepared and one extra was SETTLED IN NATAL 103 peded for the press. It was also proposed to obtain as many oe to it as possible, and all this work had to be done in the ake of a night. The volunteers with a knowledge of English and peral others sat up the whole night. Mr. Arthur, an old man, o was known for his calligraphy, wrote the principal copy. The Assembly. It was discussed in the House. Partisans of the Bill offered ša defence, an admittedly lame one, in reply to the arguments vanced in the petition. The Bill, however, was passed.
oie all knew that this was a foregone conclusion, but the agitation z eed new life into the community and had brought home and em the conviction that the community was one and indivisible, = that it was as much their duty to fight for its political rights S for its trading rights. i Lord Ripon was at this time Secretary of State for the Colonies. was decided to submit to him a monster petition. This was no Small task and could not be done in a day. Volunteers were enlisted, and all did their due share of the work. g up this petition. I read all the literature available on the subject. My argument centred round a principle and an expedience. I argued that we had a right ù urged that it was expedient to retain i apable of using the franchise was very small.
Ten thousand signatures were obtained in the course of a fort- night. To secure this number of signatures from the whole of the Province was no light task, especially when we consider that the to the work. Specially competent volunm en were perfect strangers i the work, as it had been decided not t ae had to be selected for; r take a single signature without the signatory fully understanding e petition. The villages were scattered at long distances. The Work could be done promptly only if a number of workers put eir whole heart into it. And this they did. All carried out their fuotted task with enthusiasm. But as T am writing these lines, the gures of Sheth Dawud Muhammad, Rustomji, Adamji Miyakhan, and Amad Jiva rise clearly before my mind. They brought in the . Dawud Sheth kept going about in his And it was all a labour of love, not one et expenses. Dada Abdulla’s Bene became at once a caravanserai and a public office. A number educated friends who helped me and many others had their food 104 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH The petition was at last submitted. A thousand copies had been printed for circulation and distribution. It acquainted the Indian public for the first time with conditions in Natal. I sent copies to all the newspapers and publicists I knew.
The Times of India, in a leading article on the petition, strongly supported the Indian demands. Copies were sent to journals and publicists in England representing different parties. The London Times supported our claims, and we began to entertain hopes of the Bill being vetoed.
It was now impossible for me to leave Natal. The Indian friends surrounded me on all sides and importuned me to remain there per- manently. I expressed my difficulties. I had made up my mind not to stay at public expense. I felt it necessary to set up an independent household. I thought that the house should be good and situated in a good locality. I also had the idea that I could not add to the credit of the community, unless I lived in a style usual for barris- ters. And it seemed to me to be impossible to run such a household with anything less than £ 300 a year. I therefore decided that I could stay only if the members of the community guaranteed legal work to the extent of that minimum, and I communicated my decision to them.
‘But,’ said they, ‘we should like you to draw that amount for public work, and we can easily collect it. Of course this is apart from the fees you must charge for private legal work.’
“No, I could not thus charge you for public work,’ said I. ‘The work would not involve the exercise on my part of much skill as barrister. My work would be mainly to make you all work. And how could I charge you for that? And then I should have to appeal to you frequently for funds for the work, and if I were to draw my maintenance from you, I should find myself at a disadvantage in making an appeal for large amounts, and we should ultimately find ourselves at a standstill. Besides I want the community to find more than £ 300 annually for public work.’
“But we have now known you for some time, and are sure you would not draw anything you do not need. And if we wanted you to stay here, should we not find your expenses?’
‘It is your love and present enthusiasm that make you talk like this. How can we be sure that this love and enthusiasm will endure for ever? And as your friend and servant, I should occasionally have to say hard things to you. Heaven only knows whether I should then retain your affection. But the fact is that I must not accept any salary for public work. It is enough for me that you should all agree to entrust me with your legal work. Even that may be hard for you. For one thing I am not a white barrister. How can I be sure that the court will respond to me? Nor can I be sure how I shall fare as a lawyer. So even in giving me retainers COLOUR BAR 105 you may be running some risk. I should regard even the fact of your giving them to me as the reward of my public work.’, The upshot of this discussion was that about twenty merchants gave me retainers for one year for their legal work. Besides this, Dada Abdulla purchased me the necessary furniture in lieu of a purse he had intended to give me on my departure.
Thus I settled in Natal.
XVIII COLOUR BAR The symbol of a Court of justice is a pair of scales held evenly y an impartial and blind but sagacious woman. Fate has purposely made her blind, in order that she may not judge a person from his exterior but from his intrinsic worth. But the Law Society of Natal Set out to persuade the Supreme Court to act in contravention of is principle and to belie its symbol.
I applied for admission as an advocate of the Supreme Court. I held a certificate of admission from the Bombay High Court. The ‘English certificate I had to deposit with the Bombay High Court When I was enrolled there. It was necessary to attach two certifi- Cates of character to the application for admission, and thinking that these would carry more weight if given by Europeans, I secured hem from two well-known European merchants whom I knew through Sheth Abdulla. The application had to be presented through a member of the bar, and as a rule the Attorney General presented SUch applications without fees. Mr. Escombe, who, as we have seen, Was legal adviser to Messrs. Dada Abdulla & Co., was the Attorney eneral, I called on him, and he willingly consented to present my application. l k The Law Society now sprang a surprise on me by serving me wi * Notice cabo my application for admission. One of their objecglish certificate was not attached to lons was that the original En; my application. But the main objection was that, when the regula- tions regarding admission of advocates were made, the possibility of a colour lying could not have been contemplated. Natal Owed ite oi T aA enterprise, and therefore it was neces- Sary that the European element should predominate in the bar. If Coloured people were admitted, they might gradually outnumber the Uropeans, and the bulwark of their protection would break down.
The L ‘ety had engaged a distinguished lawyer to support their ERARI he too was connected with Dada Abdulla & Co., € sent me word through Sheth Abdulla to go and see him. He talkeq with me quite frankly, and inquired about my antecedents, Which I gave. Then he said: 106 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH ‘I have nothing to say against you. I was only afraid lest you should be some Colonial-born adventurer. And the fact that your application was unaccompanied by the original certificate supported my suspicion. There have been men who have made use of diplomas which did not belong to them. The certificates of character from European traders you have submitted have no value for me. What do they know about you? What can be the extent of their acquain- tance with you?’
‘But,’ said I, ‘everyone here is a stranger to me. Even Sheth Abdulla first came to know me here.’
t But then you say he belongs to the same place as you? If your father was Prime Minister there, Sheth Abdulla is bound to know your family. If you were to produce his affidavit, I should have absolutely no objection. I would then gladly communicate to the Law Society my inability to oppose your application.’
This talk enraged me, but I restrained my feelings. ‘If I had attached Dada Abdulla’s certificate,’ said I to myself, ‘it would have been rejected and they would have asked for Europeans’ certificates. And what has my admission as advocate to do with my birth and my antecedents? How could my birth, whether humble or objec- tionable, be used against me?’ But I contained myself and quietly replied: “Though I do not admit that the Law Society has any authority to require all these details, I am quite prepared to present the affidavit you desire.’
Sheth Abdulla’s affidavit was prepared and duly submitted to the counsel for the Law Society. He said he was satisfied. But not so the Law Society. It opposed my application before the Supreme Court, which ruled out the opposition without even calling upon Mr. Escombe to reply. The Chief Justice said in effect: ‘The objection that the applicant has not attached the original certificate has no substance. If he has made a false affidavit, he can be prosecuted, and his name can then be struck off the roll, if he is proved guilty. The law makes no distinction between white and coloured people. The Court has therefore no authority to pre- vent Mr. Gandhi from being enrolled as an advocate. We admit his application. Mr. Gandhi, you can now take the oath.’
I stood up and took the oath before the Registrar. As soon as I was sworn in, the Chief Justice, addressing me, said: ‘ You must now take off your turban, Mr. Gandhi. You must submit to the rules of the Court with regard to the dress to be worn by practising barristers.’
_ I saw my limitations. The turban that I had insisted on wearing in the District Magistrate’s Court I took off in obedience to the order of the Supreme Court. Not that, if I had resisted the order, the resistance could not have been justified. But I wanted to reserve MY strength for fighting bigger battles. I should not exhaust my skill NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS 107 as a fighter in insisting on retaining my turban. It was worthy of a better cause.
Sheth Abdulla and other friends did not like my submission (or was it weakness?). They felt that I should have stood by my right to wear the turban while practising in the Court. I tried to reason with them. I tried to press home to them the truth of the maxim, ‘When at Rome do as the Romans do.’ ‘It would be right,’ I said, ‘to refuse to obey, if in India an English officer or judge ordered you to take off your turban; but as an officer of the Court, it would have ill become me to disregard a custom of the Court in the province of Natal.’
I pacified the friends somewhat with these and similar arguments, but I do not think I convinced them completely, in this instance, of the applicability of the principle of looking at_a thing from a different standpoint in different circumstances. But all my life through, the very insistence on truth has taught me to appreciate he beauty of compromise. I saw in later life that this spirit was an essential part of Satyagraha. It has often meant endangering my life and incurring the displeasure of friends. But truth is hard as adamant and tender as a blossom.
_ The opposition of the Law Society gave me another advertisement in South Africa. Most of the newspapers condemned the opposition and accused the Law Society of jealousy. The advertisement, to some extent, simplified my work.
XIX NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS Practi awyer was and remained for me a subordinate occu- Pation. Tt ee ches that I should concentrate on public work to justity my stay in Natal. The despatch of the petition regarding he disfranchising bill was not sufficient in itself. Sustained agitation Was essential for making an impression on the Secretary of State for the Colonies. For this purpose it was thought necessary to bring into being a permanent organization. So I consulted Sheth Abdulla 8nd other friends, and we all decided to have a public organization a permanent character.
To find out a name to be given to the new organization perplexed pac identify itself with any particular party. 2 paste bebe R eee aad in bad odour with the Conser- Vatives in England, and yet the Congress was the very life of India.
Wanted to popularize it in Natal. It savoured of cowardice to esitate to adopt the name. Therefore, with full explanation of my reasons, I recommended that the organization should be called the atal Indian Congress, and on the 22nd May the Natal Indian Ongress came into being.
108 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH Dada Abdulla’s spacious room was packed to the full on that day. The Congress received the enthusiastic approval of all present. Its constitution was simple, the subscription was heavy. Only he who paid five shillings monthly could be a member. The well-to-do classes were persuaded to subscribe as much as they could. Abdulla Sheth headed the list with £ 2 per month. Two other friends also put down the same. I thought I should not stint my subscription, and put down a pound per month. This was for me no small amount. But I thought that it would not be beyond my means, if at all I was to pay my way. And God helped me. We thus got a con- siderable number of members who subscribed £1 per month. The number of those who put down 10s. was even larger. Besides this, there were donations which were gratefully accepted.
Experience showed that no one paid his subscription for the mere asking. It was impossible to call frequently on members outside Durban. The enthusiasm of one moment seemed to wear away the next. Even the members in Durban had to be considerably dunned before they would pay in their subscriptions.
The task of collecting subscriptions lay with me, I being the secre- tary. And we came to a stage when I had to keep my clerk engaged all day long in the work of collection. The man got tired of the job, and I felt that, if the situation was to be improved, the subscriptions should be made payable annually and not monthly, and that too strictly in advance. So I called a meeting of the Congress. Every- one welcomed the proposal for making the subscription annual in- stead of monthly and for fixing the minimum at £ 3. Thus the work of collection was considerably facilitated.
Thad learnt at the outset not to carry on public work with borrow- ed money. One could rely on people’s promises in most matters ex- cept in respect of money. I had never found people quick to pay the amounts they had undertaken to subscribe, and the Natal Indians were no exception to the rule. As, therefore, no work was done unless there were funds on hand, the Natal Indian Congress has never been in debt.
My co-workers evinced extraordinary enthusiasm in canvassing members. It was work which interested them and was at the same time an invaluable experience. Large numbers of people gladly came forward with cash subscriptions. Work in the distant villages of the interior was rather difficuit. People did not know the nature of public work. And yet we had invitations to visit far away places, leading merchants of every place extending their hospitality.
On one occasion during this tour the situation was rather difficult. We expected our host to contribute £ 6, but he refused to give any- thing more than £ 3. If we had accepted that amount from him, others would have followed suit, and our collections would have been spoiled. It was a late hour of the night, and we were all hungry. But how could we dine without having first obtained the amount NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS 109 we were bent on getting? All persuasion was useless. The host seemed to be adamant. Other merchants in the town reasoned with him, and we all sat up throughout the night, he as well as we determined not to budge one inch. Most of my co-workers were burning with rage,but they contained themselves. At last, when day was already breaking, the host yielded, paid down £6 and feasted us. This happened at Tongaat, but the repercussion of the incident was felt as far as Stanger on the North Coast and Charles- town in the interior. It also hastened our work of collection.
But collecting funds was not the only thing to do. In fact I had long learnt the principle of never having more money at one’s disposal than necessary.; Meetings used to be held once a month or even once a week if required. Minutes of the proceedings of the preceding meeting would be read, and all sorts of questions would be discussed. People had no experience of taking part in public discussions or of speaking briefly and to the point. Everyone hesitated to stand up to speak. I explained to them the rules of procedure at meetings, and they respected them.
hey realized that it was an education for them, and many who had never been accustomed to speaking before an audience soon acquired the habit of thinking and speaking publicly about matters of public Interest, Knowing that in public work minor expenses at times absorbed large amounts, I had decided not to have even the receipt books Printed in the beginning. I had a cyclostyle machine in my office, on. which I took copies of receipts and reports. Such things I began to 8et printed only when the Congress coffers were full, and when the number of members and work had increased. Such economy is essen- tial for every organization, and yet I know that it is not always exercised. That is why I have thought it proper to enter into these little details of the beginnings of a small but growing organization.
People never cared to have receipts for the amounts they paid, but We always insisted on the receipts being given. Every pie was thus Clearly accounted for, and I dare say the account books for the year 94 can be found intact even today in the records of Natal Indian Ongress. Carefully kept accounts are a sine qua non for any’ organi- zation, Without them it falls into disrepute. Without properly kept accounts it is impossible to maintain truth in its pristine purity.
Ano e Congress was service of Colonial-born edu- cated Tidians, We Seal bore Indian Educational Association was founded under the auspices of the Congress. The members consisted Mostly of these educated youths. They had to pay a nominal subscrip- ion. The Association served to ventilate their needs and grievances, to stimulate thought amongst them, to bring them into touch with udian merchants and also to afford them scope for service of the community. It was a sort of debating society. The members met regu- larly and spoke or read papers on different subjects. A small library Was also opened in connection with the Association.
110 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH The third feature of the Congress was propaganda. This consisted in acquainting the English in South Africa and England and people in India with the real state of things in Natal. With that end in view I wrote two pamphlets. The first was An Appeal to Every Briton in South Africa. It contained a statement, supported by evidence, of the general condition of Natal Indians. The other was entitled The Indian Franchise — An Appeal. It contained a brief history of the Indian franchise in Natal with facts and figures. I had devoted consi- derable labour and study to the preparation of these pamphlets,.and the result was quite commensurate with the trouble taken. They were widely circulated.
All this activity resulted in winning the Indians numerous friends in South Africa and in obtaining the active sympathy of all parties in India. It also opened out and placed before the South African Indians a definite line of action.
XX BALASUNDARAM The heart’s earnest and pure desire is always fulfilled. In my own experience I have often seen this rule verified. Service of the poor has been my heart’s desire, and it has always thrown me -amongst the poor and enabled me to identify myself with them.
Although the members of the Natal Indian Congress included the Colonial-born Indians and the clerical class, the unskilled wage- earners, the indentured labourers were still outside its pale. The Congress was not yet theirs. They could not afford to belong to it by paying the subscription and becoming its members. The Congress could win their attachment only by serving them. An opportunity offered itself when neither the Congress nor I was really ready for it. I had put in scarcely three or four months’ practice, and the Congress also was still in its infancy, when a Tamil man in tattered clothes, head-gear in hand, two front teeth broken and his mouth bleeding, stood before me trembling and weeping. He had been heavily belaboured by his master. I learnt all about him from my clerk, who was a Tamilian. Balasundaram — as that was the visitor’s name — was serving his indenture under a well-known European resident of Durban. The master, getting angry with him, had lost self-control, and had beaten Balasundaram severely, breaking two of his teeth.
Isent him to a doctor. In those days only white doctors were avail- able. I wanted a certificate from the doctor about the nature of the injury Balasundaram had sustained. I secured the certificate, and straightway took the injured man to the magistrate, to whom I submitted his affidavit. The magistrate was indignant when he read it, and issued a summons against the employer.
BALASUNDARAM 111 It was far from my desire to get the employer punished. I simply wanted Balasundaram to be released from him. I read the law about indentured labour. If an ordinary servant left service without giving notice, he was liable to be sued by his master in a civil court. With the indentured labourer the case was entirely different. He was liable, in similar circumstances, to be proceeded against in a criminal court and to be imprisoned on conviction. That is why Sir William Hunter called the indenture system almost as bad as slavery. Like - the slave the indentured labourer was the property of his master.
There were only two ways of releasing Balasundaram: either by getting the Protector of Indentured Labourers to cancel his inden- ture or transfer him to someone else, or by getting Balasundaram’s employer to release him. I called on the latter and said to him: ‘I do not want to proceed against you and get you punished. I think you realize that you have severely beaten the man. I shall be satis- fied if you will transfer the indenture to someone else.’ To this he readily agreed. I next saw the Protector. He also agreed, on condition that I found a new employer.
So I went off in search of an employer. He had to be a European, as no Indians could employ indentured labour. At that time I knew very few Europeans. I met one of them. He very kindly agreed to take on Balasundaram. I gratefully acknowledged his kindness. The magistrate convicted Balasundaram’s employer, and recorded that he had undertaken to transfer the indenture to someone else.
B 25 case reached the ears of every indentured labourer, doa Coe Ce eaaa as their friend. I hailed this connection with delight. A regular stream of indentured labourers began to pour into my office, and I got the best opportunity of learning their joys and sorrows. A P The echoes of Balasundaram’s case were heard in far Si sa = Labourers from different parts of the province, vio E A on indenture, came to know of this case through their 1 brethren. i 4 i in the case itself, but the fact There was nothing Ranier ee their cause and publicly that meone in Natal to i ) WA ee es pre the indentured labourers a joyful surprise and inspired them with hope. i d my office, head-gear in I i Balasundaram entere í: ead. co gees peculiar pathos about the circumstance which also sued OH humiliation. I have already narrated the Eos when I was asked to take off my turban. A pe ie Cae i d labourer end every in ian stran i off hi ted acer visiting a European, whether the head-gear pie ee d the head. A salute or a scarf y7rapped roun even Re T was not sufficient. Balasundaram thought that i i This was the first h ractice even with me. A en DN a felt humiliated and asked him to tie up 112 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH his scarf. He did so, not without a certain hesitation, but I could perceive the pleasure on his face.
It has always been a mystery to me how men can feel themselves honoured by the humiliation of their fellow-beings.
XXI THE £3 TAX Balasundaram’s case brought me into touch with the indentured Indians. What impelled me, however, to make a deep study of their condition was the campaign for bringing them under special heavy taxation.
In the same year, 1894, the Natal Government sought to impose an annual tax of £ 25 on the indentured Indians. The proposal astonished me. I put the matter before the Congress for discussion, and it was immediately resolved to organize the necessary opposition.
At the outset I must explain briefly the genesis of the tax.
About the year 1860 the Europeans in Natal, finding that there was considerable scope for sugarcane cultivation, felt themselves in need of labour. Without outside labour the cultivation of cane and the manufacture of sugar were impossible, as the Natal Zulus were not suited to this form of work. The Natal Government therefore corresponded with the Indian Government, and secured their permis- sion to recruit Indian labour. These recruits were to sign an inden- ture to work in Natal for five years, and at the end of the term they were to be at liberty to settle there and to have full rights of ownership of land. Those were the inducements held out to them, for the whites then had looked forward to improving their agri- culture by the industry of the Indian labourers after the term of their indentures had expired.
But the Indians gave more than had been expected of them. They grew large quantities of vegetables. They introduced a number of Indian varieties and made it possible to grow the local varieties cheaper. They also introduced the mango. Nor did their enterprise stop at agriculture. They entered trade. They purchased land for building, and many raised themselves from the status of labourers to that of owners of land and houses. Merchants from India followed them and settled there for trade. The late Sheth Abubakar Amod was first among them. He soon built up an extensive business.
The white traders were alarmed. When they first welcomed the Indian labourers, they had not reckoned with their business skill. They might be tolerated as independent agriculturists, but their competition in trade could not be brooked.
THE £3 TAX UE This sowed the seed of the antagonism to Indi factors contributed to its growth. Our aitenunt Wrage pe rut bess simplicity, our contentment with small gains, our indifference to fhe laws of hygiene and sanitation, our slowness in keeping our sue roundings clean and tidy, and our stinginess in keeping our nance in good repair — all these, combined with the difference in religion contributed to fan the flame of antagonism. Through legislation this antagonism found its expression in the disfranchising bill and the bill to impose a tax on the indentured Indians. Independent of legislation a number of pinpricks had already been started.