DEPORTATIONS Still there was a considerable number of stalwarts who were so brave that some of them, I believe, would have mounted the gallows with a smile on their face. And if they cared little for life, they cared still less for property.
But many of those who were deported to India were poor and simple folk who had joined the movement from mere faith. That these should be oppressed so heavily was almost too much to bear. However it was difficult to see our way to assist them. Our funds were meagre, and then there was the danger of losing the fight altogether if we proceeded to give monetary help. Not a single person was permitted to join the movement from pecuniary induce¬ ment; for otherwise the movement would have been choked up by men coming in on the strength of such selfish hopes. We felt it was incumbent -upon us, however, to help the deportees with our sympathies.
I have seen from experience that money cannot go as far as fellow-feeling, kind words and kind looks can. If a man, who is eager to get riches gets the riches from another but without sympathy, he will give him up in the long run. On the other hand, one who has been conquered by love is ready to encounter no end of difficulties with him who has given him his love.
We therefore resolved to do for the deportees all that kindness could do. We comforted them with the promise, that proper arrangements would be made for them in India. The reader must remember that many of them were ex-indentured labourers, and had no relations in India. Some were even born in South Africa, and to all India was something like a strange land. It would be sheer cruelty if these helpless people upon being landed in India were left to shift for themselves. We therefore assured them that all suitable arrangements would be made for them in India.
But this was not enough. The deportees could not be comforted so long as some one was not sent with them to be their companion and guide. This was the first batch of deportees, and their steamer was to start in a few hours. There was not much time for making a selection. I thought of P. K. Naidoo, one of my co-workers, and asked him: SATYAGRAHA IN SOUTH AFRICA ‘Will you escort these poor brothers to India?’
‘Why not?’
‘But the steamer is starting just now.’
‘Let it.’
‘What about your clothes? And food?’
‘As for clothes, the suit I have on will suffice, and I will get the food from the steamer all right.’
This was a most agreeable surprise for me. The con¬ versation took place at Parsi Rustomji’s. There and then I procured some clothes and blankets for Naidoo and sent him on.
‘Take care and look after these brothers on the way. See first to their comforts and then to your own. I am cabling to Shri Natesan at Madras, and you must follow his instructions.’
‘I will try to prove myself a true soldier.’ So saying P. K. Naidoo left for the pier. Victory must be certain with such valiant fighters, I said to myself. Naidoo was born in South Africa and had never been to India before. I gave him a letter of recommendation to Shri Natesan and also sent a cablegram.
In those days Shri Natesan perhaps stood alone in India as a student of the grievances of Indians abroad, their valued helper, and a systematic and well-informed exponent of their case. I had regular correspondence with him. When the deportees reached Madras, Shri Natesan rendered them full assistance. He found his task easier for the presence of an able man like Naidoo among the deportees. He made local collections and did not allow the deportees to feel for a moment that they had been deported.
These deportations by the Transvaal Government were as illegal as they were cruel. People are generally unaware that governments often deliberately violate their own laws. In face of emergency there is no time for under¬ taking fresh legislation. Governments therefore break the laws and do what they please. Afterwards they either enact new laws or else make the people forget their breach of the law.
DEPORTATIONS DEPORTATIONS The Indians started a powerful agitation against this lawlessness of the local Government, which was adversely commented upon in India too so that the Government every day found it more and more difficult to deport poor Indians. The Indians took all possible legal steps and successfully appealed against the deportations, with the result that Government had to stop the practice of deporting to India.
But the policy of deportations was not without its effect upon the Satyagrahi ‘army.5 Not all could over¬ come the fear of being deported to India. Many more fell away, and only the real fighters remained.
This was not the only step taken by the Government to break the spirit of the community. As- I have stated in the last chapter, Government had done their utmost to harass the Satyagrahi prisoners, who were put to all manner of tasks including breaking stones. But that was not all. At first all prisoners were kept together. Now the Govern¬ ment adopted the policy of separating them, and accorded harsh treatment to them in every jail. Winter in the Trans¬ vaal is very severe; the cold is so bitter, that one’s hands are almost frozen while working in the morning. Winter therefore was a hard time for the prisoners, some of whom were kept in a road camp where no one could even go and see them. One of these prisoners was a young Satyagrahi eighteen years old of the name of Swami Nagappan, who observed the jail rules and did the task entrusted to him. Early in the morning he was taken to work on the roads where he contracted double pneumonia of which he died after he was released (July 7, 1909). Nagappan’s compan¬ ions say that he thought of the struggle and struggle alone till he breathed his last. He never repented of going to jail and embraced death for his country’s sake as he would embrace a friend. Nagappan was ‘illiterate5 according to our standards. He spoke English and Zulu from experi¬ ence. Perhaps he also wrote broken English, but he was by no means an educated man. Still if we consider his forti¬ tude, his patience, his patriotism, his firmness unto death, there is nothing left which we might desire him to possess. The Satyagraha movement went on successfully though SATYAGRAHA IN SOUTH AFRICA it was not joined by any highly educated men, but where would it have been without soldiers like Nagappan?
As Nagappan died of ill-treatment in jail, the hard¬ ships of deportation proved to be the death of Narayana- swami (October 16, 1910). Still the community stood unmoved; only weaklings slipped away. But even the weaklings had done their best. Let us not despise them. Those who march forward are generally apt to look down upon those who fall back and to consider themselves very brave fellows, whereas often the facts are just the reverse. If a man who can afford to contribute fifty rupees sub¬ scribes only twenty-five and if he who can afford to pay only five rupees contributes that amount in full, he who gives five must be held to be a more generous ^donor than the other who gives five times as much. Yet very often he who contributes twenty-five is needlessly elated at the false notion of his superiority over the contributor of five rupees. In the same way, if a man who falls back through weakness has done his utmost, he is really superior to ano¬ ther who leaves him behind but has not put his whole soul into the march. Therefore even those, who slipped away when they found things too hot for them, did render service to the community. A time now came when greater calls were made on our patience and courage. But the Trans¬ vaal Indians were not found wanting even so. The stal¬ warts who held to their posts were equal to the service required of them.
Thus day by day the trial grew more and more severe for the Indians. Government became more and more violent in proportion to the strength put forth by the commu¬ nity. There are always special prisons where dangerous prisoners or prisoners whom Government wants to bend are kept, and so there were in the Transvaal. One of these was the Diepkloof Convict Prison, where there was a harsh jailer, and where the labour exacted from prisoners was also hard. And yet there were Indians who success¬ fully performed their allotted task. But though they were prepared to work, they would not put up with the insult offered to them by the jailer and therefore went on hunger strike. They solemnly declared that they would take no A SECOND DEPUTATION A SECOND DEPUTATION food until either the jailer was removed from the prison* or else they themselves were transferred to another prison. This was a perfectly legitimate strike. The strikers were quite honest and not likely to take food secretly. The reader must remember that there was not much room in the Trans¬ vaal for such public agitation as a case of this nature would evoke in India. Again jail regulations in the Transvaal were particularly drastic. Outsiders did not seek interviews with prisoners even on occasions of this nature. A Satya- grahi, when once he found himself in jail, had generally to shift for himself. The struggle was on behalf of the poor and was conducted as a poor men’s movement. And there¬ fore the vow which these strikers took was fraught with great risk. However, they were firm and succeeded in getting themselves transferred to another prison after a seven days’ fast. As hunger strikes were a rarity in those days, these Satyagrahis are entitled to special credit as pioneers (November, 1910).
CHAPTER XXXII A SECOND DEPUTATION Thus the Satyagrahis were being imprisoned or de¬ ported. There was sometimes a lull and then a storm, but both the parties had somewhat weakened. The Gov¬ ernment saw that they could not hope to subdue the Satya- grahi stalwarts by sending them to jail, and the policy of deportations had only put themselves in a false position. The Government also lost some cases which were taken to the courts. The Indians on their part were not in a position to put up a strong fight. There was not a sufficient number of Satyagrahis for the purpose. Some Indians were war-weary, while others had become entirely defeatist and therefore looked upon the staunch Satyagrahis as so many fools. The Tools’ however knew themselves to be wise and had full faith in God, in their cause and in the righteousness of the means they had selected to promote it. They were confident that great is Truth and it shall prevail in the end.
SATYAGRAHA IN SOUTH AFRICA Meanwhile, there was continuous movement in South African politics. The Boers and the British were anxious to secure a higher status by effecting a union of the vari¬ ous Colonies in the sub-continent. General Hertzog stood for a total breach of the British connection while others preferred to keep up a nominal association with the Bri¬ tish Empire. Englishmen would never agree to a total secession, and any higher status in view could only be attained through the British Parliament. The Boers and the British in South Africa therefore decided that a depu¬ tation should visit England on their behalf and present their case before the British Cabinet.
The Indians observed that in case of a union of the Colonies their last state would be worse than their first. All the Colonies were ever desirous of suppressing the Indians, and it was clear in view of their anti-Indian ten¬ dency that it would go very hard with the community when they came closer together. In order that not a single avenue might remain unexplored, the Indians resolved to send once again a deputation to England, although there was every likelihood of their small voice being drowned in the loud roar of British and Boer lions. On this occasion Sheth Haji Habib, a Memon gentleman from Porbandar, was appointed as my colleague on the deputation. The Sheth carried on a long established trade in the Trans¬ vaal and was a man of wide experience. He had not rece¬ ived English education, yet he easily understood English, Dutch, Zulu and other languages. His sympathies were with the Satyagrahis but he could not be described as a full Satyagrahi himself. Mr Merriman the famous veteran statesman of South Africa was our fellow passenger on board S.S. Kenilworth Castle. which took us to England, /leaving Cape Town on June 23, 1909. He was going with a view to the unification of the Colonies. General Smuts and others were already in England. A separate deputa¬ tion of the Indians in Natal also visited England about this time in connection with their special grievances.
At this time Lord Crewe was Secretary of State for the Colonies and Lord Morley Secretary of State for India. There were many discussions, and we interviewed a large A SECOND DEPUTATION A SECOND DEPUTATION number of people. There was hardly a journalist or mem¬ ber of either House whom it was possible to meet but whom we did not meet. Lord Ampthill rendered us in¬ valuable help. He used to meet Mr Merriman, General Botha and others and at last he brought a message from the General. Said he: ‘General Botha appreciates your feelings in the matter, and is willing to grant you minor demands. But he is not ready to repeal the Asiatic Act or to amend the Immigrants Restriction Act. He also refu¬ ses to remove the colour bar which has been set up in the law of the land. To maintain the racial bar is a matter of principle with the General and even if he felt like doing away with it the South African Europeans would never listen to him. General Smuts is of the same mind as General Botha, and this is their final decision and final offer. If you ask for more you will only be inviting trouble for your¬ self as well as for your people. Therefore whatever you do, do it after giving due consideration to this attitude of the Boer leaders. General Botha has asked me to tell you this and give you an idea of your responsibility.5 And after delivering the message Lord Ampthill said, 4 You see that General Botha concedes all your practical demands, and in this work-a-day world we must always give and take. We cannot have everything that we desire. I would therefore strongly advice you to close with this offer. If you wish to fight for principle’s sake, you may do so later on. You and the Sheth think over this, and let me have your reply at your convenience.5 Upon hearing this I looked to Sheth Haji Habib, who said, ‘Tell him from me that I accept General Botha’s offer on behalf of the conciliation party. If he makes these concessions, we will be satisfied for the present and later on struggle for principle. I do not like the community to suffer any more. The party I represent constitutes the majority of the community, and it also holds the major portion of the community’s wealth.’
I translated the Sheth’s sentences word by word, and then on behalf of the Satyagrahis I said: ‘We are both highly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken. My SATYAGRAHA IN SOUTH AFRICA colleague is right when he says that he represents a nume¬ rically and financially stronger section. The Indians for whom I speak are comparatively poor and inferior in numbers, but they are resolute unto death. They are fighting not only for practical relief but for principle as well. If they must give up either of the two, they will jettison the former and fight for the latter. We have an idea of General Botha’s might, but we attach still greater weight to our pledge, and therefore we are ready to face the worst in the act of abiding by it. We will be patient in the confidence that if we stick to our solemn resolution, God in Whose name we have made it will see to its ful¬ filment.
T can grasp your position fully. You have done much for us. We will not take it ill if you now withhold your support from a handful of Satyagrahis. Nor will we forget the debt of gratitude under which you have laid us. But we trust that you will excuse us for our inability to accept your advice. You may certainly tell General Botha how the Sheth and myself have received his offer and inform him that the Satyagrahis though in a minority will ob¬ serve their pledge and hope in the end to soften his heart by their self-suffering and to induce him to repeal the Asiatic Act.’
Lord Ampthill replied: ‘You must not suppose that I will give you up. I too must play the gentleman’s part. Englishmen are not will¬ ing at once to relinquish any task they have undertaken. Yours is a righteous struggle, and you are fighting with clean weapons. How possibly can I give you up? But you can realize my delicate position. The suffering, if any, must be borne by you alone, and therefore it is my duty to advise you to accept any settlement possible in the circumstances. But if you, who have to suffer, are prepared to undergo any amount of suffering for principle’s sake, I must not only not come in your way but even congratulate you. I will therefore continue as President of your Committee and help you to the best of my ability. But you must reme- ber that I am but a junior member of the House of Lords, and do not command much influence. However, you may A SECOND DEPUTATION rest assured that what little influence I possess will be continually exerted on your behalf.5 We were both pleased to hear these words of encourage¬ ment.
One delightful feature of this interview has perhaps not escaped the reader. As I have already observed Sheth Haji Habib and myself held divergent views, and yet there was such friendship and mutual confidence between us, that the Sheth did not hesitate to communicate his differ¬ ence of opinion through me. He relied upon me to present his case to Lord Ampthill all right.
I will close this chapter with a not quite relevant para¬ graph. During my stay in England I had occasion to talk with many Indian anarchists. My booklet Indian Home Rule written during my return voyage to South Africa on board S.S. Kildonan Castle (November 1909) and pub¬ lished soon afterwards in Indian Opinion had its birth from the necessity of having to meet their arguments as well as to solve the difficulties of Indians in South Africa who held similar views. I had also -discussed the main points of the book with Lord Ampthill in order that he might not feel for one moment that I had misused his name and his help for my work in South Africa by sup¬ pressing my views. This discussion with Lord Ampthill has always remained imprinted on my memory. He found time to meet me in spite of illness in his family, and al¬ though he did not agree with my views as expressed in Hind Swaraj, he accorded his support to our struggle till the last, and my relations with him were always cordial.
V / e r oV/ CHAPTER XXXIII t TOLSTOY FARM— I The deputation which now returned from England did not bring good news. But I did not mind what conclu¬ sions the community would draw from our conversations with Lord Ampthill. I knew who would stand by us till the end. My ideas about Satyagraha had now matured and I had realized its universality as well as its excellence. I was therefore perfectly at ease. Hind Swaraj was written in order to demonstrate the sublimity of Satyagraha and that book is a true measure of my faith in its efficacy. I was perfectly indifferent to the numerical strength of the fighters on our side.
But I was not free from anxiety on the score of finance, j It was indeed hard to prosecute a long protracted struggle without funds. I did not realize then as clearly as I do now that a struggle can be carried on without funds, that money very often spoils a righteous fight and that GodTnever gives a Satyagrahi or mumukshu* anything beyond his strict needs. But I had faith in God who did not even then desert me t)ut raised me from the slough of despondency. If on the one hand I had to tell the Indians on our landing in South Africa that our mission had failed, on the other hand God relieved me from the financial difficulty. As I set my foot in Cape Town I received a cable from England that Mr (afterwards Sir) Ratanji Jamshedji Tata had given Rs. 25,000 to the Satyagraha funds. This sum amply sufficed for our immediate needs and we forged ahead.
But this or even the largest possible gift of money could not by itself help forward a Satyagraha struggle, a fight on behalf of Truth consisting chiefly in self-purificartion and self-reliance. A Satyagraha struggle is impossible without capital in the shape of character. As a splendid palace deserted by its inmates looks like a ruin, so does a man without character, all his material belongings not¬ withstanding. The Satyagrahis now saw that no one could ♦Pilgrim bound for the eternal city. V. G. D.
/e q p^Jr^/s/o % TOLSTOY FARM - 1 tell how long the struggle would last. On the one hand there were the Boer Generals determined not to yield even an inch of ground and on the other there was a handful of Satyagrahis pledged to fight unto death or victory. It was like a war between ants and the elephant who could crush thousands of them under each of his feet. The Satya¬ grahis could not impose a time limit upon their Satyagraha. Whether it lasted one year or many, it was all the same to them. For them the struggle itself was victory. Fighting meant imprisonment or deportation for them. But what about their families in the meanwhile? No one would engage as an employee a man who was constantly going to jail and when he was released, how was he to maintain himself as well as those dependent on him? Where was he to lodge and where was his house rent to come from? Even a Satyagrahi may be excused if he feels troubled at heart from want of his daily bread. There cannot be many in the world who would fight -the good fight in spite of being compelled to condemn their nearest and dearest to the same starvation which they suffered in their own person.
Till now the families of jail-going Satyagrahis were maintained by a system of monthly allowances in cash according to their need. It would not have done to grant an equal sum to all. A Satyagrahi who had a family of five persons dependent upon him could not be placed on a par with another who was a brahmachari without any family responsibilities. Nor was it possible to recruit only brahmacharis for our ‘army.’ The principle generally obser¬ ved was, that each family was asked to name the minimum amount adequate to their needs and was paid accordingly on trust. There was considerable room hejre^jbr fraud, of which some rogues might not fail to take advantage. Others who were honest Tut who were accustomed to live in a particular style naturally expected such help " as would enable them to keep it up. I saw that at this rate the move¬ ment could not be conducted for any length of time. There was always the risk of injustice being done to the deserving, and undue advantage being taken by the unscrupulous. There was only one solution for this difficulty, namely, that all the families should be kept at one place and should hi 5 SATYAGRAHA IN SOUTH AFRICA become members of a sort of co-operative commonwealth. Thus there would be no scope for fraud, nor would there be injustice to any. Public funds would be largely saved and the families of Satyagrahis would be trained to live a new and simple life in harmony with one another. Indians belonging to various provinces and professing divers faiths would have an opportunity of living together.