more and more irrevocable after the struggles of the 'twenties, was in itself sufficient to check the develop- ment of new points of view in ethical matters.
Thus jo^J^^utheiLihe concept of the calling remained traditionalisticu-^^ His callmg is something which man'j has to accept as a divine ordinance, to which he must I adapt himself. This aspect outweighed the other idea V; which was also present, that work in the calling was a, or gather the, task set by God.^^ And in its further j 8s 1 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism development, orthodox Lutheranism emphasized this aspect still more. Thus, for the time being, the only ethical result was negative; worldly duties were no longer subordinated to ascetic ones; obedience to authority and the acceptance of things as they were, were preached.^^ In this Lutheran form the idea of a calling had, as will be shown in our discussion of mediaeval religious ethics, to a considerable extent been anticipated by the German mystics. Especially in Tauler's equalization of the values of religious and worldly occupations, and the decline in valuation of the traditional forms of ascetic practices ^® on account of the decisive significance of the ecstatic-contemplative absorption of the divine spirit by the soul. To a certain extent Lutheranism means a step backward from the mystics, in so far as Luther, and still more his Church, had, as compared with the mystics, partly undermined the psychological foundations for a rational ethics. (The mystic attitude on this point is reminiscent partly of the Pietest and partly of the Quaker psychology of faith.2') That was precisely because he could not but suspect the tendency to ascetic self-discipline of leading to salvation by works, and hence he and his Church were forced to keep it more and more in the background.
Thus the mere idea of the calling in the Lutheran sense is at best of questionable importance for the problems in which we are interested. This was all that was nieant to be determined here.^^ But this is not in the least to say that even the Lutheran form of the renewal of the religious life may not have had some practical significance for the objects of our investiga- tion; quite the contrary. Only that significance evidently 86 Luther's Conception of the Calling cannot be derived directly from the attitude of Luther and his Church to worldly activity, and is perhaps not altogether so easily grasped as the connection with other branches of Protestantism. It is thus well for us I; next to look into those forms in which a relation between practical life and a religious motivation can 1 be more easily perceived than in Lutheranism. We have already called attention to the conspicuous part played by Calvinism and the Protestant sects in the history of capitalistic development. As Luther found a different spirit at work in Zwingli than in himself, so did his spiritual successors in Calvinism. And Catholicism has to the present day looked upon Calvinism as its real opponent.
I Now that may be partly explained on purely political grounds. Although the Reformation is unthinkable without Luther's own personal religious development, and was spiritually long influenced by his personality, I without Calvinism his work could not have had per- manent concrete success. Nevertheless, the reason for this common repugnance of Catholics and Lutherans lies, at least partly, in the ethical peculiarities of Calvinism. A purely superficial glance shows that there is here quite a different relationship between the religious life and earthly activity than in either Catholi- cism or Lutheranism. Even in literature motivated purely by religious factors that is evident. Take for instance the end of the Divine Comedy y where the poet in Paradise stands speechless in his passive contempla- tion of the secrets of God, and compare it with the poem which has come to be called the Divine Comedy of Puritanism. Milton closes the last song of Paradise 87 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Lost after describing the expulsion from paradise as follows: — "They, looking back, all the eastern side beheld Of paradise, so late their happy seat, Waved over by that flaming brand; the gate With dreadful faces thronged and fiery arms. Some natural tears they dropped, but wiped them soon: The world was all before them, there to choose Their place of rest, and Providence their guide."
And only a little before Michael had said to Adam:..."Only add Deeds to thy knowledge answerable; add faith; Add virtue, patience, temperance; add love, By name to come called Charity, the soul Of all the rest: then wilt thou not be loth To leave this Paradise, but shall possess A Paradise within thee, happier far."
One feels at once that this powerful expression of the Puritan's serious attention to this world, his acceptance of his life in the world as a task, could not possibly have come from the pen of a mediaeval writer. But it is just as uncongenial to Lutheranism, as expressed for instance in Luther's and Paul Gerhard's chorales. It is now our task to replace this vague feeling by a somewhat more precise logical formulation, and to investigate the fundamental basis of these differences. The appeal to national character is generally a mere confession of ignorance, and in this case it is entirely untenable. To ascribe a unified national character to the Englishmen of the seventeenth century would be simply to falsify history. Cavaliers and Roundheads did 88 Luther^s Conception of the Calling ncct appeal to each other simply as two parties, but as radically distinct species of men, and whoever looks into the matter carefully must agree with them.^^ On the other hand, a difference of character between the English merchant adventurers and the old Hanseatic merchants is not to be found; nor can any other fundamental difference between the English and German characters at the end of the Middle Ages, which cannot easily be explained by the differences of their political history. ^° It was the power of religious influence, not alone, but more than anything else, which created the differences of which we are conscious to-day. 3^ We thus take as our starting-point in the investiga- tion of the jrelatkmship between the old PrptestanL. ethic and the spirit of capitalism the works of Calvin, nfTalvin jt^rn, and the nther Puritan SectS. But it is not to be understood that we expect to find any of the founders or representatives of these religious move- ments considering the promotion of what we have called the spirit of capitalism as in any sense the end of his life-work. We cannot well maintain that the pursuit of worldly goods, conceived as an end in itself, was to any of them of positive ethical value. Once and for all it must be remembered that programmes of ethical reform never were at the centre of interest for any of the religious reformers (among whom, for our purposes, we must include men like Menno, George Fox, and Wesley). They were not the founders of societies for ethical culture nor the proponents of humanitarian projects for social reform or cultural ideals. The salva- tion of the soul and that alone was the centre of their ' H 89 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capii '^a j life and work «^ Their ethical ideals and the pracoft'al ( results of their doctrines were all based on that alone, ^ and were the consequences of purely religious motives. We shall thus have to admit that the cultural conse- quences of the Reformation were to a great extent, perhaps in the particular aspects with which we are- dealing predominantly, unforeseen and even unwished- for results of the labours of the reformers. They were often far removed from or even in contradiction to all t^t they themselves thought to attain. ^1 The following study may thus perhaps in a modest /way form a contribution to the understanding of the manner in which ideas become effective forces in history. In order, however, to avoid any misunder- standing of the sense in which any such effectiveness of purely ideal motives is claimed at all, I may perhaps be permitted a few remarks in conclusion to this intro- ductory discussion.
In such a study, it may at once be definitely stated, no attempt is made to evaluate the ideas of the Reforma- tion in any sense, whether it concern their social or their religious worth. We have continually to deal with aspects of the Reformation which must appear to the , truly religious consciousness as incidental and even )/^ /■ superficial. For we are merely attempting to clarify the / part which religi^ous forces have played in forming the I developing web of our specifically worldly modern \ culture, in the complex interaction of innumerable \ different historical factors. We are thus inquiring only to what extent certain characteristic features of this culture can be imputed to the influence of the Reforma- tion. At the same time we must free ourselves from the 90 Luther* s Conception of the Calling idea that it is possible to deduce the Reformation, as a historically necessary result, from certain economic changes. Countless historical circumstances, which cannot be reduced to any economic law, and are not susceptible of economic explanation of any sort, especially purely political processes, had to concur in order that the newly created Churches should survive at all.
On the other hand, however, we have no intention whatever of mauitaining such a foolish and doctrinaire thesis^^ as that'^the spirit of capitalism (in the pro- visional sense of the term explained above) could only have arisen as ^e result of certain effects of the Refor- mation, or even that capitalism as an economic system is a creation of the Reformation. In itself, the fact that certain important forms of capitalistic business organi- zation are known to be considerably older than the Reformation is a sufficient refutation of such a claim. On the contrary, we only wish to ascertain whether and to what extent religious forces have taken part in the qualitative formation and the quantitative expansion of that spirit over the world. Furthermore, what concrete aspects of our capitalistic culture can be traced to them. In view of the tremendous confusion of interdependent influences between the material basis, the forms of social and political organization, and the ideas current in the time of the Reformation, we can only proceed by investigating whether and at what points certain correlations between forms of religious belief and practical ethics can be worked out. At the same time we shall as far as possible clarify the manner and the general direction in which, by virtue of those relation- 91 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism ships, the religious movements have influenced the development of material culture. Only when thisKas been determined with reasonable accuracy can the attempt be made to estimate to what extent the his- torical development of modern culture can be attributed to those religious forces and to what extent to others.
92 II PART II THE PRACTICAL ETHICS OF THE ASCETIC BRANCHES OF PROTESTANTISM CHAPTER IV THE RELIGIOUS FOUNDATIONS OF WORLDLY ASCETICISM In history there have been four principal fornas_of ascetic Protestantism (in the sense of word here used): (i) Calvinism in the form which it assumed in the • main area of its influence in Western Europe, especially in the seventeenth century; (2) Pietism; (3) Methodism; (4) the sects growing out of the Baptist movement.^ None of these movements was completely separated from the others, and even the distinction from the non-ascetic Churches of the Reformation is never perfectly clear. Methodism. which_first arnsp in the middle of the eightfifirillLceiituiY within the Established Church of England, was not^in the minds of its founders, intended to form a new^^Hnlr^^^JÜLÖnly a new^waRening of the ascetic.spirit v^itWn_jhe^jold^_ OnTy in tEe"coiirse oHts.develQpm£iit,..£Sfi£dallyJn its extension to Americav.didiLJbecome separate from the Anglican Church.
Pietism first split off from the Calvinistic movement in England, and especially in Holland. It remained loosely connected with orthodoxy, shading off from it by imperceptible gradations, until at the end of the seventeenth century it was absorbed into Lutheranism under Spener's leadership. Though the dogmatic adjustment was not entirely satisfactory, it remained a movement within the Lutheran Church. Only the faction dominated by Zinzendorf, and affected by lingering Hussite and Calvinistic influences within the 95 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Moravian brotherhood, was forced, like Methodism against its will, to form a peculiar sort of sect. Calvinism and Baptism were at the beginning of thek develop- ment~^Karply opposed to each other..But in the Baptism "tJf'fhe litter part of the seventeenth century they were in close contact. And even in the Independent sects of England and Holland at the beginning of the seven- teenth century the transition w^s not abrupt. As Pietism shows, the transition to Lutheranism is also gradual, and the same is true of Calvinism and the Anglican Church, though both in external character and in the spirit of its most logical adherents the latter is more closely related to Catholicism. It is true that both the mass of the adherents and especially the staunchest champions ofthat ascetic movement which, in the broadest sense of a highly ambiguous word, has been called Puritanism,^ did attack the foundations of Anglicanism; but even here the differences were only gradually worked out in the course of the struggle. Even if for the present we quite ignore the questions of government and organization which do not interest us here, the facts are just the same. The dogmatic differences, even the most important, such as those over the doctrines of predestination and justification, were combined in the most complex ways, and even at the beginning of the seventeenth century regularly, though not without exception, prevented the maintenance of unity in the Church. Above all, the types of moral conduct in which we are interested may be found in a similar manner among the adherents of the most various denominations, derived from any one of the four sources mentioned above, or a combination of several 96 The Religious Foundations of Worldly Asceticism of them. We shall see that similar ethical maxims may be correlated with very different dogmatic foundations. Also the important literary tools for the saving of souls, above all the casuistic compendia of the various denominations, influenced each other in the course of time; one finds great similarities in them, in spite of very great differences in actual conduct.
It would almost seem as though we had best com- pletely ignore both the dogmatic foundations and the ethical theory and confine our attention to the moral practice so far as it can be determined. That, however, is not true. The various different dogmatic roots of ascetic morality did no doubt die out after terrible struggles. But the original connection with those dogmas has left behind important traces in the later undogmatic ethics; moreover, only the knowledge of the original body of ideas can help us to understand the connection of that morality with the idea of the after- life which absolutely dominated the most spiritual men of that time. Without its power, overshadowing everything else, no moral awakening which seriously influenced practical life came into being in that period.
We are naturally not concerned with the question of what was theoretically and officially taught in the ethical compendia of the time, however much practical significance this may have had through the influence of Church discipline, pastoral work, and preaching.^ ^e are interested rather in something entirely different^ jhe influence of those psychological sanctions which, originating in religious belief and the practice of re- ligion, gave a direction to practical conduct and held 3ie individual to it. Now these sanctions were to a larg^ 97 Tlie Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism extent derived from the peculiarities of the rehgious ideas behind them. The men of that day were occupied with abstract dogmas to an extent which itself can only be understood when we perceive the connection of these dogmas with practical religious interests. A few observations on dogma, ^ which will seem to the non- theological reader as dull as they will hasty and super- ficial to the theologian, are indispensable. We can of Icourse only proceed by presenting these religious [ideas in the artificial simplicity of ideal types, as they [I could at best but seldom be found in history. For just because of the impossibility of drawing sharp boun- daries in historical reality we can only hope to under- stand their specific importance from an investigation of them in their most consistent and logical forms.
A. Calvinism A. Calvinism Now Calvinism^ was the faith ^ over which the i great political and cultural struggles of the sixteenth I and seventeenth centuries were fought in the most - highly developed countries, the Netherlands, England, and France. To it we shall hence turn first. At that time, and in general even to-day, the doctrine of predestination was considered its most characteristic dogma. It is true that there has been controversy as to whether it is the most essential dogma of the Reformed Church or only an appendage. Judgments of the im- portance of a historical phenomenon may be judgments of value or faith, namely, when they refer to what is alone interesting, or alone in the long run valuable in it. Or, on the other hand, they may refer to its 98 The Religious Foundations of Worldly Asceticism influence on ether historical processes as a causal factor. Then we are concerned with judgments of historical imputation. If now we start, as we must do here, from the latter standpoint and inquire into the significance which is to be attributed to that dogma by virtue of its cultural and historical con- sequences, it must certainly be rated very highly.' The movement which Oldenbarneveld led was shattered by it. The schism in the English Church became irrevocable under James I after the Crown and the Puritans came to differ dogmatically over just this doctrine. Again and again it was looked upon as the real element of political danger in Calvinism and attacked as such by those in authority.^ The great synods of the seventeenth century, above all those of Dordrecht and Westminster, besides numerous smaller ones, made its elevation to canonical authority the central purpose of their work. It served as a rallying- point to countless heroes of the Church militant, and in both the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries it caused schisms in the Church and formed the battle- cry of great new awakenings. We cannot pass it by, and since to-day it can no longer be assumed as known to all educated men, we can best learn its content from the authoritative words of the Westminster Confession of 1647, which in this regard is simply repeated by both Independent and Baptist creeds.
"Chapter IX (of Free Will), No. 3. Man, by his fall into a state of sin, hath wholly lost all ability of will to any spiritual good accompanying salvation. So that a natural man, being altogether averse from that Good, and dead in sin, is not able, by his own 99 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism strength, to convert himself, or to prepare himself thereunto.
' "Chapter III (of God's Eternal Decree), No. 3.
By the decree of God, for the manifestation of His I glory, some men and angels are predestinated unto ever- VJasting life, and others foreordained to everlasting death.
**No. 5. Those of mankind that are predestinated unto life, God before the foundation of the world was laid, according to His eternal and immutable purpose, and the secret counsel and good pleasure of His will, hath chosen in Christ unto everlasting glory, out of His mere free grace and love, without any foresight of faith or good works, or perseverance in either of them, or any other thing in the creature as conditions, or causes moving Him thereunto, and all to the praise of His glorious grace.
''No. 7. The rest of mankind God was pleased, according to the unsearchable counsel of His own will, whereby He extendeth, or with-holdeth mercy, as He pleaseth, for the glory of His sovereign power over His creatures, to pass by, and to ordain them to dishonour and wrath for their sin, to the praise of His glorious justice.
' "Chapter X (of Effectual Calling), No. i. All those whom God hath predestinated unto life, and those only. He is pleased in His appointed and accepted time effec- tually to call, by His word and spirit (out of that state of sin and death, in which they are by nature)...taking away their heart of stone, and giving unto them an heart of flesh; renewing their wills, and by His almighty power determining them to that which is good...i 100 The Religious Foundations of Worldly Asceticism ' ' Chapter V (of Providence), No. 6. As for those wicked and ungodly men, whom God as a righteous judge, for former sins doth blind and harden, from them He not only with-holdeth His grace, whereby they might have been enlightened in their understandings and wrought upon in their hearts, but sometimes also withdraweth the gifts which they had and exposeth them to such objects as their corruption makes occasion of sin: and withal, gives them over to their own lusts, the tempta- tions of the world, and the power of Satan: whereby it comes to pass that they harden themselves, even under those means, which God useth for the softening of others."»
"Though_l_niay^ be sent to Hell for it, such 4 God all never command my respect", was Milton's welllown opinion of the doctrine. ^^ But we are here concerned not with the evaluation, but the historical significance of the dogma. We can only JbrieflV-sketch the question of how the do^rine originated and how it ^fitted into the framework of Calvinist ic theology.
Two paths leading to it were possible. The pheno- menonof the religious sense jof grace is combined^^Jn. the mostactiye and passionate of those great worship- ^ers_which Christianity has produced again and jgain since Augustine, with the feeling of certainty that that grace is the sole product of an objective power, and not in the least to be^ttributed to personal worthTThe powerful feeling of light-hearted assurance, in which the tremendous pressure of their sense of sin is released, apparently breaks over them with elemental force and destroys every possibility of the belief that this over- powering gift of grace could owe anything to their own lOI The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism /co-operation or could be connected with achievements /or quahties of their own faith and will. At the time of I Luther's greatest religious creativeness, when he was / capable of writing his Freiheit eines Christenmenschen, I God's secret decree was also to him most definitely I the sole and ultimate source of his state of religious V-grace.^^ Even later he did not formally abandon it. But not only did the idea not assume a central position for him, but it receded more and more into the back- ground, the more his position as responsible head of his Church forced him into practical politics. Melancthon quite deliberately avoided adopting the dark and dangerous teaching in the Augsburg Confession, and for the Church fathers of Lutheranism it was an article of faith that grace was revocable (amissibilis), and could be won again by penitent humility and faithful trust in the word of God and in the sacraments. f With Calvin the process was just the opposite; the ' significance of the doctrine for him increased,^- per- ceptibly in the course of his polemical controversies with theological opponents. It is not fully developed until the third edition of his Institutes, and only gained ""its position of central prominence after his death in the great struggles which the Synods of Dordrecht and Westminster sought to put an end to. With Calvin the decretum horribile is derived not, as with Luther, from religious experience, but from the logical necessity of his thought; therefore its importance increases with every increase in the logical consistency of that religious Ir thought. The interest of it is solely in God, not in man; God does not exist for men, but men for the sake of