SigPhi · Montesquieu

Considerations on the Causes of the Grandeur and Decadence of the Romans

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Beigniors alone was valued at two hundred thousand pounds weight of silver. The churches were pil- laged; and — what sufficiently marks the character of the nation, which has never changed — the French danced with the women in the sanctuary of the church of Saint Sophia, whilst one of the prostitutes who followed the army of Baldwin sang the songs of her profession in the patriarchal pulpit. The Greeks had often called upon the holy Virgin while assassinating their princes; the French drank, sang, and caressed the girls in the cathedral while pillaging it; every nation has its character." " In view of the facts of modern history, we may safely infer that the persistent traits of national char- acter which are so frankly confessed by Voltaire and Montesquieu have been, in the long run, a serious drawback upon the stable extension of French domi- nation outside the limits of France.

III. Apropos of what Montesquieu says relative to the disdain which the crusading French and Vene- tians felt for the soldierly qualities of the Byzantine Greeks, it may be stated, in more general terms than he has employed, that history affords no more strik- ing illustration of the mutations of time and fortune than is seen in the contempt into which both the Greek and the Roman name sunk in the estimation of the new nations that came forward to take the places of these fallen magnates of the past. ^"We learn ' Ouvres Completes de Voltaire, torn, xxi, p. 50, Paris, 1828.

NOTE.] OF TEE ROMANS. 485 from Liutprand that, whenever the Lombards, Saxons, Franks, Burgundians, and other peoples desired to express their utmost scorn for an enemy, they re- sorted to no other term of reproach but to call him a Eoman; and the bishop adds that " in this alone — that is, in the name of Koman — is comprehended whatever is ignoble, whatever is cowardly, whatever is avaricious, whatever is luxurious, whatever is men- dacious, and, indeed, the sum of all the vices." * Milman remarks that this language of Bishop Liut- prand was applied to " the Byzantine Eomans "; but it expresses the exaggerated contempt which is always felt by rude and rising nations for those who retain a great name without possessing either the power, the influence, or the character with which it was once associated.''

IV. The words of Montesquieu • respecting the long future continuance of the Turkish Empire, not- withstanding its weakness, have been prophetic for nearly one hundred and fifty years; the Crimean war of 1853-56, with its resulting treaty of Paris, illustrates their sagacity — as does also the more recent Eusso-Turkish war of 1877-78, with its resulting Congress of Berlin; and the conflicting interests and jealousies of the great powers of Europe may, for a ^ Hoc solo, id est Homanorum nomine, quicquid igTwhilitatis, quicquid timiditatis, quicquid avarUice, quicquid luxurice, quicquid mendacii, immo quicquid vitiorum est camprehendentes ° See Gibbon's Home, vol. v, p. 22, and note 44, from which I have extracted a part of the text of Liutprand.

486 GRANDEUR AND DECADENCE [baeeb.

considerable time yet, maintain the ascendency of the Porte upon both sides of the Bosporus. But, in view of the influences which prescribe the flux and reflux of races, and especially in view of the forces which enter into the two types of civilization which touch each other, it seems eminently probable that, as the power of the Moor receded from Spain, the power of the Turk will ultimately recede from Eastern Europe; and that the Dardanelles — appointed by nature to be one of the greatest channels of intercommunication and commerce upon the globe — will be reclaimed by the Cross and dominated by the genius and energy of the Aryan race.

Europe's Eastern question is too remote from the circle of American interests to be of international concern to us, but it presents an intellectual and hu- man interest which is commensurate with the limits of civilization — an interest which is deeply and inti- mately connected with that expansive exploration of the past which has been made in the course of this volume. Eome was the typical city of the ancient Latin civilization, Athens of the Grecian. After long abasement — after infinite confusion, struggle, and he- roic aspiration — Kome stands again at the head of united Italy — one of the finest facts accomplished that the modern world has seen. After like abase- ment, struggle, and endeavor — ^but confronted by still more obstinately adverse conditions — Athens stands at the head of only a petty state. Historical pro- NOTE.] OF THE ROMANS. 487 priety, in common with the general interests of hu- manity, demands that the renaissance of these two famous headlights of the old Mediterranean world should be more equally proportioned. In their fu- ture dealings with the Eastern Question it appears to be the plain duty of the great powers of Europe to aid Athens in drawing to her center all the cog- nate elements which may naturally and fitly coalesce in the growing Greek state; so that, when this ques- tion shall have been finished — when the Moham- medan and the Christian of both rites shall have found their status of equilibrium — the new Hellenic civilization of the eastern peninsula shall be a fair counterpoise to the new Latin civilization of the west- ern. If this great work shall come to be adequately achieved in both its parts, history will have wit- nessed one of its noblest consummations: the far gone and renowned past wiU have been fitly brought into bonds of visible union with the living and mov- ing world.

CONCLUSION.

CONCLUSION.

Feom the founding of Rome to the fall of Con- stantinople we reckon the exact term of two thou- sand two hundred and six years. It is over this ample period that Koman history is deemed to ex- tend— first under the kings — then under the republic — then under a sole empire — then under the empire of the West and the empire of the East — and, final- ly, closing with the latter alone.

488 GRANDEUR AND DECADENCE [baker.

Viewed as a single phenomenon, that great sec- tion of universal history which is represented by the Eomans follows the law which governs all vital and all social phenomena: it begins in weakness and it ends in weakness. A band of semi -savage adven- turers pitch their camp among the hitherto unbroken woods and thickets that crown some volcanic hills upon the eastern bank of the Tiber. Such is the beginning of Eoman greatness. Twenty-two centu- ries later, a solitary city, situated upon the western shore of the Thracian Bosporus, and about to suc- cumb to the Turk, represents all that remains of an empire which has absorbed hundreds of states, and extended its gigantic sway from the Atlantic to the Tigris.

Constantinople was finally captured by Mohammed II, in the year 1453 — just thirty-nine years before Columbus discovered America, forty-four years before Vasco de Gama doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and little more than a half-century before the Ee- vival of Learning in Europe had already given birth to the Reformation of Luther, and open promise of a coming intellectual emancipation and expansion which should be new to the world: so nearly syn- chronous were the closing scene of Eoman history and the most fruitful achievements and events of modem times; the one drojiping the curtain upon the greatest succession of human transactions that had place in the past, the other lifting it to an incom- NOTE.] OF THE ROMANS. 489 parably greater in the future. And thus it is, that the world is able to afford the death of its giants.

"We have now finished the survey of this vast and checkered tableau, studying with Montesquieu its genius and spirit, and endeavoring, in a special manner of our own, to indicate its comparative value — and, withal, the comparative value of the ancient civiliza- tions in general — upon the plane of the world's history.

The general effect has been that, whilst the Ko- mans exerted a greater practical influence upon man- kind than any other ancient people, their results — as, indeed, the results of all antiquity — must take a decidedly subordinate place when compared with the greatly larger and completer contents of modem civ- ilization.

In the course of the wide retrospect which we have taken, we have had ample occasion to realize the delusion of that species of imagination which has ever been prone to obscure the goods and to mag- nify the ills of the present, whilst exalting the vir- tues and ignoring the ghastly realities of the past — thus inferring a painful and discouraging contrast between the actual time and bygone halcyon days which never had any real existence whatever — a spe- cies of delusion which we already find rebuked in the earliest records of human wisdom."

* Say not thou, What is the cause that the former days were better than these? for thou dost not enquire wisely concerning this. — Ecclesias- tes Tii, 10.

490 GRANDEUR AND DECADENCE OF THE ROMANS.

We have very clearly seen that the actual way of the Romans, in common with the actual way of the ancient world in general, was unspeakably rough, hard, and cruel. We have gathered the distinct, ra- tional impression, that the movement of the world's civiHzation, from the time of the primeval savagery of Europe to the present day, has been, so to speak, one continuous battle-journey, in which the forces presid- ing over the conflict have become less purely physical and animal, and more controlled by intelligence, jus- tice, and mercy; and we may quite safely conclude that the very age in which we live — despite its enor- mous drawbacks — is at once more richly endowed in respect to knowledge and power, more tempered by liberty in respect to action and thought, more influ- enced by moral feeling in respect to justice and hu- manity, and, consequently, more comfortable in respect to human happiness, than any other age which our race has experienced in its long, embittered, and struggling career.

In this view — which is abundantly supported by the course of the world's history — we may justly draw encouragement from the feeling that the sun of hope casts its shadows behind and not before, and that we are moving in the direction of the light.

Aedses; necessary that a free goT- emment, by virtue of its own laws, may te capable of correcting, lYl- 173.

AoBLfiANS: one of the principal peo- ples of Greece at the time it was attacked by the Eomana, 110.

AoTrDM, battle of, referred to as an Illustration of the disadvantage of large vessels in ancient naval war- fare, 85; further notice of, 251, note 11.

Adam, Dr. Alexattoee: his descrip- tion of the Eoman triumph, 147- 149; and ofthe Eoman proscription, 226; his account of the Eoman lares, 248, note 4; his statement respecting patronage among the Bomans, 281, note 3; his remarks respecting the colors and the fac- tions of the Eoman circus, 421, note 18; respecting the relation of Eoman priests to civil affairs, 467; in regard to the Eoman camp and the burden of the Eoman soldier, 49, note 4, and 50, note 7.

^MLLinB, Paulus: his decisive vic- tory over the Macedonians referred to, 130, note 1; influence of the spoils brought in by, on Eoman taxation, 388.

iEQDiAifs, 28; their numerous towns, 125.

jEtolias s: their character, and how they made war, 110; they call the Eomans into Greece against Mace- don, 114; how they are treated by them, 116; they call in Antiochus against the Eomans, ibid.; and fare worse, 119, 138.

Afkica, ancient cities of, generally but little fortified, 82; idea of the extent of the Carthaginian posses- sions in, 100.

AoATHOOLEs, 82; sacrifice of human victims by the Carthaginians when he invested their city, 105.

Agis: his attempt to re-establish the ancient laws of Sparta, 64.

AoBAEiAif Laws: Montesquieu's al- lusion to these laws, 62; their real nature, 70-75.

AoBioTTLTUBE, preference of, among the Eomans, 200, note 8; Italy, devoted to gardening, neglects grain-raising, 358, 359, and note 6; Sicily, Egypt, and Africa, the principal agricultural countries of the Eomans, iMd.; their agricultu- ral work chiefly done by slaves, 492 ANALYTICAL INDEX.

ibid.; destructive burdens imposed upon agriculture under the later emperors, 388, 389.

Akenside, allusion to, in relation to Brutus, 2i2, 243.

Alans: their Asiatic seat and man- ner of life, 363; their arms, 416.

Alexandeb: Ms advantage over Hannihal in ha-idng his own sub- jects for soldiers, 90; empire of, less in extent and inferior in inter- communication to the Eoman, 273; empire of, still retained its Grecian character after being ahsorted by the Eomans, 407.

Alexaudela, effect of the founding of, upon the commerce of Carthage, 83; museum of, as an intellectual center, compared with those of modern times, 276.

Algiebs: similarity of government of harbario Algeria to that of the Eoman empire at a certain period, 329.

Allia (Eiver), defeat of the Eomans on, hy the Gauls, refeiTcd to, and the resulting scenes of distress in Eome, 88, note 26.

Allies: five different sorts of Eoman allies, 133; title of ally a species of servitude, hut much coveted, 132.

ANDKOKicua, THE ELnER: his curious relation to the patriarch of Con- stantinople, 456.

Anthony: his corrupt use of Cesar's book of accounts, 246; he delivers Cassar's funeral oration, 247; the government of Macedou falls to his lot, 249; he undertakes to expel Decimus Brutus from Cisalpine Gaul, ibid.; he is defeated at Mantua, 250; he joins Lepidus and Ootavius, 251; the cruelty of the three, ibid., and note 10; he hinds himself by oath to restore the republic, 260; he is defeated by the forces of Octavius at Actium, ibid.; he is betrayed by Cleopatra, ibid.; rcfiections on his fate, ibid.

Antiochus: he makes war against the Eomans, 118, 119; he is de- feated and humbled, 119, 120.

Antonines: Montesquieu's idea of them, 317; their characters dis- criminated, 337-339.

Aqueduots of Eome charaoteiized as works of art, 37.

Akgos: viewed as the typical form of the Grecian repubUcs, 177; low grade of its Eepublioan institu- tions, 177, 178.

Arians, persecution of, by Justinian, 424; the bai'harians converted by Arian missionaries, 414; the lead- ing tenet of Arius, 438.

Akistotle: his profound views in regard to the formation of primi- tive societies, 126; they are con- firmed by historical investigation, ibid.; his theory of human hberty inferior to that of the Eoman law- yers, 433; his approval of the ex- position of children, 314.

Aemies: soldiers of Eoman armies, unlike those of modem times, not injured by excessive labor, 49, 50; healthiulness of the Eoman as com- pared with modem armies, 53; rareness of desertion among the Eomans as compared with the like experience in modem times, and the cause of this difierence, ibid.; the Eomans long had no standing armies, but were capable of raising pi-eat temporary forces, 70; they finally resorted to the system of standing armies, ibid.; the normal military proportion for the Eoman empire, 70, 310; for the leading states of modem Europe, 68; for the United States of America, 69; ANALYTICAL INDEX.

493 the institution of standing armies an aocompaniment of a diminished military spirit, 270; parallel move- ment of the Roman state and mod- ern Em-ope in the adoption of stand- ing armies, 270, 271; indications that those of the latter mU finally be greatly reduced, 272; similaiity of panic fear in Eoman and modem armies, 96.

Aenold: his relation to the critical spirit as applied to early Eoman history, 43; cited in relation to the laud system of the ancient states, 71; in relation to the agrarian laws, 73, 74; in relation to the walls of Eome under the tings, 35.

Absenitjs, a patriarch: curious agree- ment between his followers and those of the patriarch Joseph, 458.

Aet: early Eomans dependent upon the Etrurians for their decorative art, etc., 41; their deficiency in art-feeling, 58; contrast between them and the Greeks in this re- spect, ibid.

Aeyak Eaoe: its early seat in Asia, 40; it forms the Eoman and Greek states, ibid,; its distinguished share in forming the world's civil- ization, 150.

Asia: the prehistoric seat of the an- cestors of the Greeks and Eomans, 40; luxury and effeminacy of courts of, 118; Eomans become corrupt from the time their conquests ex- tend into, ibid.; infantry of ancient Europe superior to that of ancient Asia, 320, and note 6; the reverse true as to cavalry, 446, 447.

AssAssoTATioN: Statistics of assassin- ation of the Eoman Emperors from Csesar to Augustulus, 346-352; assassination of rulers — ancient and modem ideas of, 240-244.

AsTEOLOGT, judicial, succeeded among Christians the Pagan art of divination, 440.

Athens, ancient, compared with Eome, 63, 64; degeneracy of the Athenians at the time Greece was attacked by the Eomans, 111; low character of the polity of Athens in relation to liberty, 177, 203.

Athens, modem: its renaissance, 486, 487.

Aitila; extent of his dominions, 394-396; his relations to the East- em and the Western empire, ibid.; description of his person, 397, note 12; his empire dissolves after his death, 397.

Attgites: their infiuence over civil affairs, 467.

Augustulus, the last Eoman empe- ror of the "West, 347, 370.

Augustus (Oetavius): he is the adopted son and heir of Cffisar, 251, note 9; he is advanced by Cicero, 249; his artifices with the latter, 249; he joins Anthony and Lepidus, 251; their cruelties, iiirf., and note 10; he despoils Lepidus of his power in the triumvirate, 258; his forces overthrow Anthony at Actium, 260; instance of his cruelty in the sacrifice of three hundred senators and knights to the manes of Cffisar, 342; he is the only cowardly commander among the Eomans who gained the affec- tion of his soldiers, 259; what this fact indicates as to the changed character of the latter, ibid.; con- trast of his method with that ot Cffisar, 263; contrast of his charac- ter with that of Sylla, 264, 265; idea of his pohcy, 261-269; the or- der which he established charac- terized, 261; his sm&W finesse, 264; his ambiguous government, ibid.; it followed the forms of the repub- 49i ANALYTICAL INDEX.

lie, 265, and note 10; he rendered the military and naval establish- ments of the empire permanent, 268; signifioanoe of this change, 270, 271; his age opens the epoch of the greatest intercommunication in ancient times, 273; comparison of the sphere of intercommunica- tion then existing with that of the present day, 278, 274; informal college of poets and literaiy men gathered at Eome duiiug his reign, 276; comparison of the inteUeotual center, thus established, with the principal ones of modern times, ibid.; idea of Eoman manners during this polite age, 205.

B Bajazet: his overthrow by the Tar- tars postpones the fall of Constan- tinople, 481.

BiXDWiif, Mr. J. D.: his conception as to the cause of the municipal type of the ancient Mediterranean states, 127.

Baleabes: their high character as mercenaries, 101.

Baeeaeians: idea of their general relation to the civilisation of South- ern Europe, 127, 128; they were originally unknown to the Bomans, 330; idea that the expansion of the Eoman power pressed them north- ward, 331, 332; the empire imper- iled by, during the reigns of Deoi- us, Grallus, and GaUienus, 332, 333, 400, note 19; displacement of European barbarians by movement of Huns from Asia, 363-365; trade of, with the Eomans, 398, 399; tribute imposed by, on the Eomans, 375, 376, 394, 396, 399; employ- ment of, by the Romans as auxili- aries, 377, 378; their different arms and methods of fighting, 416; they become Arians before they settle in the empire, 414; what causes concenti'ated them upon the empire of the West, 399, 400, and note 19; their method of invading, and the cause of their final settlement, 397, 399; policy by which the Eomans all but escaped from being over- whelmed by them, 401, and note 27, also 307; rapidity with which their maimers softgned when set- tled in the countries of the south, 414, 415; idea of the influence of the progressive increase of the use of iron among them, 344-346.

Baelaam and AcisDTinjs: the curi- ous question which they discussed with the Greek monks, 452.

Basil, an emperor of the East: his conduct as an illustration of the en- feebling influence of superstition, 454.

Batle: his service to early Eoman history, 43.

Beaot'oet: his critical relation to the early history of Eome, 43.

Belisasibs: his invasion of Africa and Italy referred to, 418; idea of his great character, ibid.

Bills of Exchange referred to as a feature of modern civilization, 441.

BcEOTiAns, the " dullest of the Greeks"; their deficiency in spir- it, etc.. 111.

BossnET: his idea of the identity of military discipline with the consti- tution of the Eoman repubUo, 52, note 12; his comparison of the Eo- man legion and the Greek phalanx, 114, note 10; his statement of the grandeur of the Eoman empire, 143, note 29; his statement in rela- tion to the Eoman census and its advantage to the state, 171, note ANALYTICAL INDEX.

495 23; his idea of the causes of Eoman decline, 187, note 11; Ms statement respecting the Eoman colonies, 82, note 12.

Bkidges, Eoman, referred to, 37.

Bboitze, archaic Greek and Eoman history abuts upon an age of, 344.

Beutus, Jdnits, credited with check- ing the practice of human sacrifice among the early Eomans, 343.

Beotds, Maeohs: his sentiment in relation to the part he took in the assassination of C^sar, 223, 224; his precipitate suicide, 251; Aken- side's rhapsody on, 243, and note 12.

BuoKLE: his inadequate idea of the iniuence of race on the phenomena of history, 92, 93; his view of the influence of the Eomans upon the world, 153.

BuoKLEH, difTerent sorts of, in an- cient times, 20; Eomans adopt that of the Sabines, 'Hid.

C^sAE: place of his birth, 143, note 30; his physical description of the Gauls, 94; violent character of his ambition, 213; his corrupt prac- tices, 214, 215, 262; his govern- ment of the Gauls prepares the way for his ambitious designs, 216; he makes war upon the Gauls with- out authority, 263, note 1; his pas- sage of the Eubicon, 216, 217; his great ability, iMd.; he follows Pompey into Greece, ibid.; battle of Pharsalia, 218; his idea that Pompey was a " general without an army," 233; his alleged slowness after the battle of Pharsalia, 220; he governs at first under the titles of the Eoman magistracies, 220, 221; his clemency, 220, 239; his attempt to assume a crown, 221; his indecent contempt of the sen- ate, and the obsequiousness of this body, 221, 222, 280, 281; humilia- tion of the patricians during his as- cendency, 222; his assassination, 223, 224; his obsequies, 247; inci- dent during the celebration of, in illustration of the low mental status of the Eoman people, 248; he is placed in the number of the publio divinities, »S«i.; significance of this action as indicating the decline of the Eoman people, 'IHd., note 6; tragic end of his assassins, 258, and note 1; the immaturity of their plan, 245; Caesar's role in subvert- ing the repubhc rationally consid- ered, 219, 220, and 234 to 240; his family destroys the other great families of Eome, and runs out in Nero, 300.

Caligula: his character, his reforms, his tyranny, 293, 294; his sophis- tical cruelty, 297.

CALLmions: his supposed but ques- tioned discovery of Greek Are, 470, 471, and note 1.

Camillus: his speech in opposition to the abandonment of Eome after it was captured by the Gauls, 33.

Camp, Eoman, description of, 49, and note 4; Eomans learned the art of an-angingandfortifying their camps from Pyrrhus, 77, and note 2; they finally abandon the cus- tom, 379.

CaiotjE, battle of, referred to, 87; description of, 96-98; scenes of panic and consternation in Eome after, 88, note 26.

Cautaoczeue: his capture of Con- stantinople referred to, 457.

Capuasts: their early corruption, 28.

Cabaoalla: unlike Nero and Do- mitian, ho extends his cruelties to 496 ANALYTICAL INDEX.

the whole empire, 322; state of Eoman law during his reign illus- trates the inherent tnomentum of a great social organism, ibid.^ note 9; his singular fate, 826.

Cabthage: sooner enriched and cor- rupted than Eome, 77; vast wealth of individual citizens of, whUst for- tunes were nearly equal among the Eomans, 78; the two factions which • divided Carthage and their evil ef- fects, 78, 79; Carthage founded upon commerce, Eome upon arms, 80, note 8; difference between the civil character of the Carthagin- ians and that of the Eomans, 80; avarice the leading source of am- bition with the former, pride with the latter, 79, 80; effect of this dif- ference on the comparative endur- ance of the two peoples, 80; the Carthaginians relied on mercenary troops, the Eomans on their own, ibid.; Carthage less firmly estab- lished in her territory than Eome in hers, 81, 82, 100; most of the cities under Carthaginian rule but little fortified, and hence easily taken, 82; government of Carthage very oppressive, 82, 83; her con- stitution commended, however, by Aristotle, 102; it was an aristocra- cy of wealth, 177; license of the defeated Carthaginian armies con- trasted with the submission of the Eoman, 82; oommeroe of Carthage much impaired by the rise of Alex- andria, 83; Carthaginians superior to the Eomans on sea, 84; idea of the territorial possessions of the two peoples, 100; and of the ethnic composition of their subject states. Hid.; the Carthaginians of Ph(Kni- oian origin, 101; their language Semitic, and closely allied to the Hebrew, ibid.; their worship of Moloch and saerifloe of human vic- tims, 103; magnitude and popular tion of their city, 101; it is de- stroyed by the Eomans, 102; bad faith of the latter in so doing, 138, and note 20; their literatm'e almost wholly lost, 102; general compari- son of the Carthaginians with the Eomans, 102-105; the former less adapted than the latter to beneficial empire, 106; duration of Carthage compared with that of certain an- cient and modem cities, 410.

Caspian Gate: its critical impor- tance to the Persian empire, 435.

Cassaubon: his remark upon the Augustan History, 328, note 26.

Cassids, hasty suicide of, 251.

Cato the Censoe, viewed as a rep- resentative of the jurisconsults of his age, 430.

Cato the Yottnger; comparison of, with Cicero, 249, 250; his suicide, 251; reckoned the most virtuous citizen of his age, 237; yet yields to the delusion that the public good would be" advanced by bribing voters, ibid, Catdliijs, referred to, 143, note SO.

Cause: relation of historical causes to occasional events, 22, and note 6; variability of the occasions and constancy of the causes • of great social changes, 23; the world gov- erned by general causes which are not fortuitous, 378, 379.

Cavalrt: Eoman cavalry, 55; Car- thaginian cavalry superior to the Eoman, 84; relation of infantry and cavalry to the military art, 879, 380; cavalry of the Parthians, 305; cavalry of Asia in ancient times superior to that of Europe, 446, 447.

Censoes: their great and partially undefined authority, 169-171, and ANALYTICAL INDEX.

497 note 23; iimtanoe of the capricious use of the censorial power, 170.

Chaelemagne: effect of his empire upon the nations of Europe similar to that of the Eomans, 331, 332.

Chables I, referred to, 252, note 13; difference between the armies that espoused his cause and those of Cromwell and the Arabs, 449.

Chbistiamitt: the Christian doctrine of Charity more akin to the Phi- losophy than to the Religions which preceded it, 339, 340; its ameliora- ting influence on Eoman slavery, 204; its influence in abolishing the gladiatorial combats, 313, 362, note 14; disputed relation of Christian- ity to the decaying empire, 392- 394; it ceases to be dominant in the East, 445, 446; it degenerates under the Greek empire, 448-450; and combines with Paganism, 463, 464.