There is something to say also with regard to those whom criminalists describe as quali- fied assassins, and who in so many countries imbued with the old Biblical principle of a tooth for a tooth, are sent to the gallows. It may seem strange in this country, but the fact is that throughout Siberia — where there is ample opportunity to judge different categories 358 In Russian and French Prisons.
of exiles — the " murderers " are considered as the best class of the convict population; and I was very happy to see that Mr. Davitt, who has so acutely analyzed crime and its causes, has also been able to make a like observation.9 It is not known as generally as it ought to be that the Russian law has not recognized capital punishment for more than a century. However freely political offenders have been sent to the gallows under Alexander II. and III., so that 31 men have been put to death during the preceding reign1 and about 25 since 1881, capital punishment does not exist in Eussia for common-law offences. It was abolished in 1753, and since that time murderers are merely condemned to hard-labour from eight to twenty years (parricides for life), after the expiration ' He says: "Murders occasionally occur in connection with robbery, it is true; but they are as a rule accidental to the perpetration of the latter crime, and scarcely ever premedi- tated. The most heinous of all offences— murder deliberately intended and planned before its commission — is ordinarily the offspring of the passions of revenge and jealousy, or the outcome of social or political wrongs; and is more frequently the result of some derangement of the nobler instincts of human nature than traceable to its more debased orders or appetites." — Leaves from a Prison Diary, vol. i., page 17.
1 Nobody knows exactly how many scores, or hundreds, of Poles were executed in 1863-65.
Are Prisons necessary? 359 of which term they are settled free for life in Siberia. Therefore, Eastern Siberia is full of liberated assassins; and, nevertheless, there is hardly another country where you could travel and stay with greater security. During my very extensive journeys in Siberia I never carried with me a defensive weapon of any kind, and the same was the case with my friends, each of whom every year travelled something like ten thousand miles across this immense territory. As mentioned in a preceding chapter the number of murders which are committed in East Siberia by liberated assassins, or by the numberless runaways, is exceedingly small; while the unceasing robberies and murders of which Siberia complains now, take place precisely in Tomsk and throughout Western Siberia, whereto no murderers, and only minor offenders are exiled. In the earlier parts of this century it was not uncommon to find at an official's house that the coachman was a libe- rated murderer, or that the nurse who bestowed such motherly care upon the children bore im- perfectly obliterated marks of the branding- iron. As to those who would suggest that probably the Russians are a milder sort of men than those of Western Europe, they have only 360 In Russian and French Prisons.
to remember the scenes which have accom- panied the outbreaks of peasants; and they might be asked also, how far the absence of executions and of all that abominable talk which is fed by descriptions of executions — the talk in which English prisoners delight most — has contributed to foster a cold con- tempt for human life.
The shameful practice of legal assassination which is still carried on in Western Europe, the shameful practice of hiring for a guinea an assassin2 to accomplish a sentence which the judge would not have the courage to carry out himself — this shameful practice and all that hardly-imaginable amount of corruption it con- tinues to pour into society, has not even the excuse of preventing murder. Nowhere has the abolition of capital punishment increased the number of murders. If the practice of putting men to death is still in use, it is merely a result of craven fear, coupled with reminiscences of a lower degree of civilization when the tooth -for- a-tooth principle was preached by religion.
But if the cosmical causes — either directly or indirectly — exercise so powerful an influence 2 ' Du Cane's " Punishment and Prevention of Crime," p. 23.
Are Prisons necessary? 361 on the yearly amount of anti-social acts; if physiological causes, deeply rooted in the inti- mate structure of the body, are also a powerful factor in bringing men to commit breaches of the law, what will remain of the theories of the writers on the criminal law after we have also taken into account the social causes of what we call crime?
There was a custom of old by which each commune (clan, Mark, Gemeinde) was con- sidered responsible as a whole for any anti- social act committed by any of its members. This old custom has disappeared like so many good remnants of the communal organization of old. But we are returning to it; and again, after having passed through a period of the most unbridled individualism, the feeling is growing amongst us that society is responsible for the anti-social deeds committed in its midst. If we have our share of glory in the achieve- ments of the geniuses of our century, we have our part of shame in the deeds of our assassins.
From year to year thousands of children grow up in the filth — material and moral — of our great cities, completely abandoned amidst a population demoralized by a life from hand to mouth, the incertitude of to-morrow, and a 362 In Russian and French Prisons.
misery of which no former epoch has had even an apprehension. Left to themselves and to the worst influences of the street, receiving but little care from their parents ground down by a terrible struggle for existence, they hardly know what a happy home is; but they learn from earliest childhood what the vices of our great cities are. They enter life without even knowing a handicraft which might help them to earn their living. The son of a savage learns hunting from his father; his sister learns how to manage their simple household. The children whose father and mother leave the den they inhabit, early in the morning, in search of any job which may help them to get through the next week, enter life not even with that know- ledge. They know no handicraft; their home has been the muddy street; and the teachings they received in the street were of the kind known by those who have visited the where- abouts of the gin-palaces of the poor, and of the places of amusement of the richer classes.
It is all very well to thunder denunciations about the drunken habits of this class of the population, but if those who denounce them had grown up in the same conditions as the children of the labourer who every morning Are Prisons necessary? 363 conquers by means of his own fists the right of being admitted at the gate of a London dock- yard,— how many of them would not have become the continual guests of the gin-palaces? — the only palaces with which the rich have endowed the real producers of all riches.
When we see this population growing up in all our big manufacturing centres we cannot wonder that our big cities chiefly supply prisons with inmates. I never cease to wonder, on the contrary, that relatively so small a proportion of these children become thieves or highway robbers. I never cease to wonder at the deep- rootedness of social feelings in the humanity of the nineteenth century, at the goodness of heart which still prevails in the dirty streets, which are the causes that relatively so few of those who grow up in absolute neglect declare open war against our social institutions. These good feelings, this aversion to violence, this resignation which makes them accept their fate without hatred growing in their hearts, are the only real barrier which prevents them from openly breaking all social bonds, — not the deterring influence of prisons. Stone would not remain upon stone in our modern palaces, were it not for these feelings.
364 In Russian and French Prisons.
And at the other end of the social scale, money that is representative signs of human work, is squandered in unheard-of luxury, very often with no other purpose than to satisfy a stupid vanity. While old and young have no bread, and are really starving at the very doors of our luxurious shops, — these know no limits to their lavish expenditure.
When everything round about us — the shops and the people we see in the streets, the lite- rature we read, the money-worship we meet with every day — tends to develop an unsatiable thirst for unlimited wealth, a love for sparkish luxury, a tendency towards spending money foolishly for every avowable and unavowable purpose; when there are whole quarters in our cities each house of which reminds us that man has too often remained a beast, whatever the decorum under which he conceals his bestiality; when the watchword of our civilized world is: "Enrich yourselves! Crush down everything you meet in your way, by all means short of those which might bring you before a court! " When apart from a few exceptions, all — from the land^ lord down to the artisan — are taught every day in a thousand ways that the beau-ideal of life is to manage affairs so as to make others Are Prisons necessary? 365 work for you; when manual work is so despised that those who perish from want of bodily exercise prefer to resort to gymnastics, imitating the movements of sawing and digging, instead of sawing wood and hoeing the soil; when hard and blackened hands are considered as a sign of inferiority, and a silk-dress and the knowledge of how to keep servants under strict discipline is a token of superiority; when literature expends its art in maintaining the worship of richness and treats the " impractical idealist" with contempt — what need is there to talk about inherited criminality when so many factors of our life work in one direction — that of manufacturing beings unsuited for a honest existence, permeated with anti-social feelings!
Let us organize our society so as to assure to everybody the possibility of regular work for the benefit of the commonwealth — and that means of course a thorough transformation of the present relations between work and capital; let us assure to every child a sound education and instruction, both in manual labour and science, so as to permit him to acquire, during the first twenty years of his life, the knowledge and habits of earnest work — and we shall be 366 In Russian and French Prisons.
in no more need of dungeons and jails, of judges and hangmen. Man is a result of those conditions in which he has grown up. Let him grow in habits of useful work; let him be brought by his earlier life to consider humanity as one great family, no member of which can be injured without the injury being felt by a wide circle of his fellows, and ultimately by the whole of society; let him acquire a taste for the highest enjoyments of science and art — much more lofty and durable than those given by the satisfaction of lower passions, — and we may be sure that we shall not have many breaches of those laws of morality which are an un- conscious affirmation of the best conditions for life in society.
Two-thirds of all breaches of law being so- called " crimes against property," these cases will disappear, or be limited to a quite trifling amount, when property, which is now the privilege of the few, shall return to its real source — the community. As to " crimes against persons," already their numbers are rapidly decreasing, owing to the growth of moral and social habits which necessarily develop in each society, and can only grow when common interests contribute more and Are Prisons necessary? 367 more to tighten the bonds which induce men to live a common life.
Of course, whatever be the.economical bases of organization of society, there will always be in its midst a certain number of beings with passions more strongly developed and less easily controlled than the rest; and there always will be men whose passions may occasionally lead them to commit acts of an anti-social character. But these passions can receive another direction, and most of them, can be rendered almost or quite harmless by the combined efforts of those who surround us. "We live now in too much isolation. Everybody cares only for himself, or his nearest relatives. Egotistic — that is, unintelligent — individualism in material life has necessarily brought about an individualism as egotistic and as harmful in the mutual relations of human beings. But we have known in history, and we see still, communities where men are more closely con- nected together than in our Western European cities. China is an instance in point. The great " compound family " is there still the basis of the social organization: the members of the compound family know one another perfectly; they support one another, they help 368 In Russian and French Prisons.
one another, not merely in material life, but also in moral troubles; and the number of " crimes " both against property and persons, stands at an astonishingly low level (in the central provinces, of course, not on the sea- shore). The Slavonian and Swiss agrarian communes are another instance. Men know one another in these smaller aggregations: they mutually support one another; while in our cities all bonds between the inhabitants have disappeared. The old family, based on a common origin, is disintegrating. But men cannot live in this isolation, and the elements of new social groups — those ties arising between the inhabitants of the same spot having many interests in common, and those of people united by the prosecution of common aims — is grow- ing. Their growth can only be accelerated by such changes as would bring about a closer mutual dependency and a greater equality between the members of our communities.
And yet, notwithstanding all this, there surely will remain a limited number of persons whose anti-social passions — the result of bodily diseases — may still be a danger for the com- munity. Shall humanity send these to the gallows, or lock them up in prisons? Surely Are Prisons necessary? 369 it will not resort to this wicked solution of the difficulty.
There was a time when lunatics, considered as possessed by the devil, were treated in the most abominable manner. Chained in stalls like animals, they were dreaded even by their keepers. To break their chains, to set them free, would have been considered then as a folly. But a man came — Pinel — who dared to take off their chains, and to offer them brotherly words, brotherly treatment. And those who were looked upon as ready to devour the human being who dared to approach them, gathered round their liberator, and proved that he was right in his belief in the best features of human nature, even in those whose intelligence was darkened by disease. From that time the cause of humanity was won. The lunatic was no longer treated like a wild beast.
O Men recognized in him a brother.
The chains disappeared, but asylums — another name for prisons— remained, and within their walls a system as bad as that of the chains grew up by-and-by. But then the peasants of a Belgian village, moved by their simple good sense and kindness of heart, showed the way towards a new departure which learned B b 3 7O In Russian and French Prisons.
students of mental disease did not perceive. They set the lunatics quite free. They took them into their families, offered them a bed in their poor houses, a chair at their plain tables, a place in their ranks to cultivate the soil, a place in their dancing-parties. And the fame spread wide of " miraculous cures " effected by the saint to whose name the church of Gheel was consecrated. The remedy applied by the peasants was so plain, so old — it was liberty— that the learned people preferred to trace the result to Divine influences instead of taking things as they were. But there was no lack of honest and good-hearted men who understood the force of the treatment invented by the Gheel peasants, advocated it, and gave all their energies to overcome the inertia of mind, the cowardice, and the indifference of their sur- roundings.2 Liberty and fraternal care have proved the best cure on our side of the above-mentioned wide borderland " between insanity and crime." They will prove also the best cure on the other 2 One of them, Dr. Arthur Mitchell, is well known in Scotland. Compare his " Insane in Private Dwellings," Edinburgh, 1864; as also " Care and Treatment of Insane Poor," in Edinb. Med. Journal for 1868.
Are Prisons necessary? 371 boundary of the same borderland. Progress is in that direction. All that tends that way will bring us nearer to the solution of the great question which has not ceased to pre- occupy human societies since the remotest antiquity, and which cannot be solved by prisons.
(Page 109.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE "ACT OF ACCUSA- TION" BROUGHT BEFORE A COURT MARTIAL AGAINST THE SOLDIERS CHARGED WITH HAVING CARRIED CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE PRI- SONERS OF THE ALEXIS RAVELIN AND THEIR ACQUAINTANCES.
THE accused, who were brought before the court under this charge in December, 1882, were: — Eugene Du- brovin, student of the Medical Acadamy; the artillery sub-officers Alexander Filipoff, and Alexei Ivanoff; the soldiers of the St. Petersburg depot-troops; Andrei Oryekhoff, Egor Kolibin, Kir Byzoff, Timofei Kuznetsoff, Vlas Terentieff, Grigori Yushmanoff, Ivan Shtyrloff, Yakov Kolodkin, Adrian Dementieff, Grigori Petroff, Ivan Tanyshoff, Emelian Borisoff, Leon ArkhipofT, Platon Vishnyakoff, Ivan Gubkin, and of the 38th Tobolsk regiment Prokopi Samoiloff.
"In the last days of December, 1881," the official document of accusation says, " disorders were dis- 374 Appen dix A.
covered in the Alexeievskiy ravelin of the St. Peters- burg Petropavlovsk fortress, which disorders consisted chiefly in the circumstance, that the soldiers appointed to mount the guard at the ravelin carried corre- spondence between the state's criminals detained there as also with their co-religionaries outside. A special inquiry was than made, by order of the Minister of the Interior, by the chief of the St. Petersburg gendarms. It appeared from the inquiry that the just-mentioned state's criminals, numbering four, were detained in separate cells of a special building situated in the Alexis ravelin. Until November, 1879, there were in the cells only two prisoners, namely, in cells Number Five and Number Six; in November, a third prisoner was brought in and imprisoned in cell Number One; and a fourth on November 19th (o.s.), 1880, who was put into cell Number Thirteen.
" The military watch was maintained by soldiers under the orders of the Chief of the ravelin. For that purpose one or two sub-officers were commissioned, and a number of soldiers who mounted the guard at each cell, and moreover five gendarmes, who were instructed with keeping the strongest watch on the soldiers themselves and with prohibiting any inter- course between the prisoners.
"Nevertheless, notwithstanding these strong mea- sures, it was discovered in March, 1881, from letters found on the executed state's criminals Jelaboff and Sophie Perovskaya, that the state's criminals who were kept in the Alexis ravelin, carried on a lively corre- Appendix A. 375 spondence with members of the Criminal Secret Society at St. Petersburg through the intermediary of the ravelin soldiers.
" The intercourse, as proved by the inquiry, consisted in the following: (1) conversation of criminal content was carried on by the soldiers with the prisoner of cell Number Five; (2) letters were exchanged between the cells Number One, Five, and Thirteen; (3) different periodicals were brought to the prisoners; (4) letters were carried from the prisoners to persons living in town, and to these letters answers were brought to the prisoners, as also money.
" It was impossible to ascertain when this intercourse began, because the state's prisoner of cell Number Five tried to convert to his ideas every soldier who entered the ravelin, and said that since the very beginning of his seclusion (1873?) everybody had conversations with him. As to carrying letters, it seems that this began since the end of 1879, when a new prisoner was brought to the ravelin and confined in cell Number One; because all soldiers have testi- fied that no letters were carried between the cells Number Five and Six,1 but only between cells Number One, Five and Thirteen. When a fourth prisoner, confined to cell Number Thirteen, was brought to the ravelin, letters began to be carried to the town; it was about December, 1880, when one of the soldiers trans- mitted a letter from the ravelin to medical student Dubrovin, arrested on February 2nd this year (1882)."
1 That is, between Netchaieff and Shevitch.
376 Appendix A.
It would be too long to give here in full this very interesting document, which describes in detail the intercourse which was carried on between the pri- soners, and the conversation between the soldiers and the prisoner of the cell Number Five. The above is already sufficient to prove that the government itself has avowed the existence of some oubliettes within the fortress. I may add that the whole document has been published in Russian in the Vyestnik Narodnoi Voli, No. 1; and that the Sc. Petersburg court martial, sitting on December 1st and 2nd, in the Petropav- lovskaya fortress, condemned: student Dubrovin to four years' hard-labour; sub-officer Ivanoff to six months' imprisonment; sub- officer Filipoff to five years hard-labour; and fifteen soldiers to imprisonment in the ispravitelnyia roty (military convicts' companies); two soldiers more died during tbe preliminary de- tention which lasted about eighteen months. This sentence must have been published in the Official Messenger.
377 APPENDIX B.
(Page 176.)
PART PLAYED BY THE EXILES IN THE COLONIZATION OF SIBERIA.
WITH the disorder which reigns in the statistics of Siberia it is very difficult, indeed, to estimate in how far the exiles contribute in increasing the population of Siberia. The following reliable figures published in 1886 by the official Tobolsk Gazette, and reproduced by the Vostochnoye Obozrenie (March 20th ), are well worthy of notice. During the ten years 1875 to 1885, 38,577 men and 4285 women were transported to the Govern- ment of Tobolsk. They were followed by 23,721 free women and children, making thus a total of 66,583. During the same ten years 11,758 exiles died, and 10,094 ran away; 4735 were recondemned and sent, or have been transferred on demand, to other parts of Siberia; 1854 were returned to Russia; and 28,670 only entered the regular ranks of peasants and town-burgers in Tobolsk; total, 57,111. The total population of exiles in Tobolsk consisted in 1875 of 35,100 males, and about one-third of that of women.
378 Appendix B.
378 Appendix B.
The mortality of these is included in the above figure of 11,758 dead. But even if this deduction be made, it appears that at least 20,000, out of 66,583, have been transported to Tobolsk only to die there very soon after their arrival, or to run away. The population of the Government of Tobolsk in 1875 being 1,131,246, and its increase having been 187,626 in ten years, while the natural growth of population ought to be less than 100,000, it appears that the exiles have contributed to that increase by less than 45,000, while the remainder were free immigrants from Eussia.
As to the working power of this population it will be best seen from the fact that in 1875 only 10,798 exiles were householders. During ten years, 5588 were added to this number, but 3775 abandoned their houses, so that in 1885 only 12,611 exiles had per- manent houses. Besides, out of 20,846 exiles belonging to the peasantry, 8525 were wanting in 1875; they had disappeared.
In 1881, the Governor of Tomsk reported that out of the 28,828 exiles settled in the province, only 3400 were carrying on agriculture; about two-thirds were without any means of subsistence, and were living from hand to mouth; while 9796 had run away.
379 APPENDIX C.
(Page 194.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT READ BY M. SHAKE EFF AT THE SITTING OF THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE ST. PETERS- BURG NOBILITY ON FEBRUARY I?TH, 1881 (O.S.).
IT is known that after the Winter Palace explosion, Loris Melikoff was nominated chief of the Executive, with nearly dictatorial powers. In fact, Alexander II. abdicated in his hands. One of the first steps of Loris MelikofE was to permit the Provincial Assemblies to express their wishes. So they did; and one of the first wishes expressed was for the abolition of the system of " Administrative exile." The St. Petersburg nobility were among the first to protest against this abominable system, and in their sitting of February 17th (March 1st), 1881, they carried the following resolution: " To address the Emperor a petition in order to ask that the law which warrants the in- violability of the person of each citizen, be not violated."
3 So Appendix C.
Daring the discussion, E. A. Shakeeff read a report on the system of Administrative exile, in which report he wrote: — " If we revert to the Russian code, we see that no kind of punishment can be applied otherwise than by a sentence of a tribunal...It seemed that after the promulgation of the Law of 1864 there could be no interference of the administrative authorities with the function of the judicial authorities, and that no punishment could be inflicted otherwise than by a sentence of a court. Such punishment without judg- ment was considered by the State's Council as an act of arbitrariness...But of late we have seen something quite new. The rights given to each citizen by law have become illusory. Under the pretext of clearing Russia from men politically ' unreliable/ the Administration began to exile on a small scale; but later on it enlarged the scale more and more...Ac the beginning, society was angry against such proceedings. But in the long run it be- came accustomed to these acts of arbitrariness, and the sudden disappearance of people from their families ceased to be considered as something extraordinary.
" The prosecution was chiefly directed against young men and women, most not having reached their majority. Often for a single acquaintance, for kinship, for being related with some school which had a bad reputation in the eyes of the Administration, for an expression in a letter, or for keeping a photograph of some political exile, young people were exiled."
Appendix C. 381 "The Law Messenger gave, some time ago, the numbers of persons thus exiled (to Siberia) by mere orders of the Administration, and the figures varied from 250 to 2500 every year; but, if we add to these figures those of persons exiled in the same way to the interior provinces of European Russia, which figures we may only guess at, the whole will appear as a real hecatomb of human beings."
M. Shakeeff concluded by proposing to sign the above-mentioned petition. His speech was often interrupted by cries of " Bravo! Quite right! " The President of the Assembly, Baron P. L. Korff, supported the proposal of M. Shakeeff, and added that it had a very deep meaning for all Russia.
The Assembly, " considering that the system of Administrative exile is not justified by the law," signed the petition and sent it to the Emperor. Of course, all remained as it was. The only change made was that there is now a special committee which periodi- cally revises all cases of Administrative exile, and periodically adds three or five years more of exile to those persons whom they consider dangerous. Those exiles who are permitted to return to Russia are pro- hibited to stay in any of the larger cities where they might find their livings.
382 APPENDIX D.
(Page 262.)
ON REFORMATORIES FOR BOYS IN FRANCE.
THE revolt of the boys who were kept at the refor- matory colony of Porquerolles, has disclosed the abomi- nable treatment to which they were submitted. The facts brought last February before a court, have shown that the food they received was of the worst imagin- able description, and absolutely insufficient. In fact, they were kept hungry throughout. As to the treat- ment, it was really horrible. The crapaudine — a mediaeval instrument of torture — was freely resorted to by the warders and the lady-proprietor of the colony.
As to the colony of Mettray, which was often repre- sented as a model colony, it appears from a discussion at the French Chamber of Deputies on March 31st, 1887, that there also the treatment of children is most cruel. The facts brought forward during the discus- sion quite agree with my private information as to the barbarous treatment of children at that colony.
INDEX.
ADMINISTRATION at Clairvaux, 293; vers. jurors in Eussia, 31; of Russian prisons, 81.
Administrative exile, 33, 134; exiles in Siberia, 191; num- bers of in hamlets, 193, 195; report by Shakeeff on, 194 and Appendix C; misery of, 197; in Yakut encampments, 199.
Alcoholism, 340.
Alexeievsky ravelin, 109.
Anthropological causes of crime, 345.
Arrestantskiya roty, 46.
Arrestations of innocent in Russia, 48.
Avvakum, nonconformist priest, 128.
BARGES for transportation of convicts, 138. Bastions, ravelins, 87. Bodily diseases, their influence, 345. Borderland between insanity and crime, 348. Brotherly treatment of convicts, 356.
Brodyaghis, fee Runaways. Byelgorod prison, 71.
CAMPBELL, Dr., on prisoners, 355. Canteen in French prisons, 264. Capital punishment, 358. Cells at Lyons, 259.
Cellular department at Clair- vaux, 294.
Cellular imprisonment no re- medy, 336; in the fortress, 99.
Central prison of Clairvaux, 274 ay.
Central prisons in Russia, 20, 46, 65.
Children growing in neglect, 363; in French prisons, 261 and Appendix D; of exiles in Siberia, 148.
Clairvaux, central prison, 274; manufactures, 276; military convicts, 278; walk, 280; exterior brigade, 282; politi- cal prisoners, 283; food, 287; labour and earnings, 288.
Coal-mines on Sakhalin, 211.
Committee of inquiry into Russian prisons, 13 sq.
Commune, responsible for its members, 361.
Cosmical causes of crime, 341.
Courtine of Catherine, 88.
' Criminal age,' 354.
DAVITT, Mich., " Leaves," 300; the " Upper Ten," 310; on re-convictions, 307; on im- morality, 336; on murderers, 358.
Decency, crimes against, 263, 279, 335.
Despine, 340.
384 Index.
Defmtionnaires at Clairvaux, 278...Deterring influence of prisons, 305.
Disobedieiice,punishments, 293. Dress, influence of, 331. Drugs given in St. Petersburg fortress, 91. Du Cane, on English prisons, 300; on " criminal age," 354. Due on Sakhalin, 211.
EARNINGS of prisoners in France, 288.
Economical organization as a cause of crime, 363.
Emancipation of serfs in Russia, 9,10.
Emperor's mines, 63, 155; cheap labour for, 203.
Energy destroyed in prisoners, 320.
Etapts in Siberia, 22, 140.
Executioners, hired, 360.
Executions in secrecy in Russia, 41.
Exile by order of Administra- tion, see Administrative exile.
Exiles in Siberia, 154—201; earlier, 127; Poles, 129, 131; numbers and categories of, 133; journey on foot, 135; on their march through Siberia, 140 — 142; their wives and children, 144; tbeir charity- song, 145; political exiles, 150; settled exiles, enlistment of, 163; numbers, 173; their present position, 174, and Ap- pendix B; disappearance of, 175; miserv, 179; transporta- tion to, 124—153.
FERRI, Prof., 340, 343. Flogging in Russian central prisons, 69. Food in French prisons, 265, 287.