Athenians, he answered, "I shall suffer death unjustly, if I tell them what is to their advantage, but justly if I do wrong." When he saw that they would not give up the project, but excitedly insisted on it, he bade the herald proclaim that all Athenians who had arrived at manhood[637] from sixty years and under, should take provisions for five days and follow him to Bœotia at once. Upon this a great disturbance took place, as the older citizens leaped to their feet, and clamoured loudly. "There is nothing strange in the proclamation," said Phokion, "for I, who am eighty years of age, shall be with you as your general." Thus he managed to quiet them, and induced them to give up their intention."
XXV. As the seaboard of Attica was being plundered by Mikion, who had landed at Rhamnus[638] with a large force of Macedonians and mercenary soldiers, and was overrunning the country, Phokion led out the Athenians to attack him. As men kept running up to him and pestering him with advice, to seize this hill, to despatch his cavalry in that direction, to make his attack in this other place, he said "Herakles, how many generals I see, and how few soldiers." While he was arraying his hoplites in line, one of them advanced a long way in front, and then, fearing one of the enemy, retired. "Young man," said Phokion, "are you not ashamed of having deserted two posts, that in which you were placed by your general and that in which you placed yourself?" He now charged the enemy and overthrew them, slaying Mikion himself and many others. Meanwhile the Greek army in Thessaly fought a battle with Leonnatus, who was coming[639] to join Antipater with a Macedonian army from Asia. Antiphilus led the infantry and Menon, a Thessalian, the cavalry. In the battle Leonnatus himself was slain, and his troops defeated.
XXVI. Shortly afterwards Kraterus crossed over from Asia with a large force, and a second battle took place at Krannon.[640] The Greeks were defeated, but not in a crushing manner or with much loss. Yet, as the Greek commanders were young men, unable to maintain discipline, and, as at the same time, Antipater was tampering with the loyalty of the cities from which the army came, the whole force broke up, and most disgracefully betrayed the cause of Grecian liberty. Antipater at once marched upon Athens with his army. Demosthenes and Hypereides at once fled from Athens, but Demades, who had not been able to pay any part of the money which he had been condemned to pay to the state (for he had been convicted of making illegal proposals[641] on seven separate occasions, and had become disfranchised and disqualified from addressing the people), now set the laws at defiance, and proposed that ambassadors, with full powers, should be sent to Antipater to sue for peace. The people were greatly alarmed, and called upon Phokion, saying that they could trust no one else. "If I had always been trusted," said he, "we should not now be discussing such matters as these." The motion was carried, and Phokion was sent to Antipater, who was encamped in the Kadmeia of Thebes, and preparing to invade Attica.
Phokion's first request was that he would stay where he was and arrange terms. Upon hearing this Kraterus said, "Phokion advises us to do what is unjust, when he bids us remain here, doing evil to the country of our friends and allies, while we might do ourselves good in that of our enemies." Antipater, however, seized him by the hand and said, "We must yield to Phokion in this." With regard to terms, he said that he required the same terms from the Athenians which Leosthenes had demanded from himself at Lamia.
XXVII. When Phokion returned to Athens, as the people had no choice but to submit to these terms, he went back again to Thebes with the other ambassadors;[642] for the Athenians had appointed the philosopher Xenokrates[643] as an additional ambassador, because his virtue, wisdom, and intellectual power was so renowned that they imagined that no man's heart could be so arrogant, cruel, and savage as not to be touched by some feeling of reverence and awe at the sight of Xenokrates.
However, their expectations were entirely disappointed by the ignorance and hatred of good men displayed by Antipater. In the first place, though he shook hands with the others, he bestowed no greeting upon Xenokrates; upon which Xenokrates is said to have remarked that Antipater did well in showing that he felt shame before him for the treatment which he was about to inflict upon the city. After this Xenokrates began to make him a speech, but Antipater would not suffer him to proceed, and by rude interruptions reduced him to silence.
After Phokion and Demades had spoken, Antipater stated his willingness to make peace and become an ally of the Athenians, if they would deliver up Demosthenes, Hypereides, and some other orators to him,[644] re-establish their original government, in which the magistrates were chosen according to property, receive a garrison in Munychia, and pay the whole expenses of the war, besides a fine. The ambassadors thought that they ought to be contented and thankful for these terms, with the exception of Xenokrates, who said, "If Antipater looks upon us as slaves, the terms are moderate; if as free men, they are severe."[645] When Phokion earnestly begged Antipater not to send a garrison to Athens, he is said to have said in reply, "Phokion, I am willing to grant you any request you please, unless it be one which would be fatal both to you and to myself." Some say that this is not the true version of the incident, but that Antipater enquired of Phokion whether, if he did not place a garrison in Athens, Phokion would guarantee that the city would abide by the terms of the peace, and not intrigue with a view of regaining its independence: and as Phokion was silent and hesitated how to reply, Kallimedon, surnamed 'the crab' a man of a fierce and anti-democratical temper, exclaimed: "If, Antipater, this man should talk nonsense, will you believe him, and not do what you have decided upon?"
XXVIII. Thus it came to pass that the Athenians received into their city a Macedonian garrison, whose commander was Menyllus, an amiable man and a friend of Phokion himself. It was thought that the sending of the garrison was a mere piece of arrogance on Antipater's part, and to be more due to an insolent desire to show the extent of his power than to any real necessity. The time, too, at which it was sent, rendered its arrival especially galling to the Athenians: for it was during the celebration of the mysteries, on the twentieth day of the month Bœdromion, that the garrison entered the city. On that day, Iacchus used to be carried in procession from Athens to Eleusis, but now the whole ritual was marred, and the Athenians sadly contrasted this celebration of the mysteries with those of former years. In earlier times,[646] when the city was powerful and flourishing, the splendid spectacle of the celebration of the mysteries used to strike awe and terror into the hearts of the enemies of Athens, but now at these same rites the gods seemed to look on unmoved at the disasters of Greece, while the most sacred season was desecrated, and that which had been the pleasantest time of the year now served merely to remind them of their greatest misfortunes. A few years before this, the priestesses of Dodona had sent an oracular warning to Athens, bidding the Athenians guard the extremities of Artemis. In those days the fillets which are wound round the couches of the gods which are carried in the mysteries were dyed of a yellow instead of a crimson colour, and presented a corpse-like appearance, and, what was more remarkable, the fillets dyed by private persons at the same time, all were of the same colour. One of the initiated also, while washing a little pig in the harbour of Kantharus,[647] was seized by a shark, who swallowed all the lower part of his body. By this portent, Heaven clearly intimated to the Athenians that they were to lose the lower part of their city, and their command of the sea, but to keep the upper part. As for the Macedonian garrison, Menyllus took care that the Athenians suffered no inconvenience from it; but more than twelve thousand of the citizens were disfranchised under the new constitution, on account of their poverty. Of these men, those who remained in Athens were thought to have been shamefully ill treated, while those who left the city in consequence of this measure and proceeded to Thrace, where Antipater provided them with a city and with territory, looked like the inhabitants of a town which has been taken by storm.
XXIX. The deaths of Demosthenes at Kalauria, and of Hypereides at Kleonæ, which I have recounted elsewhere, very nearly led the Athenians to look back with regret upon the days of Alexander and Philip. In later times, after Antigonus had been assassinated, and his murderers had begun a career of violence and extortion, some one seeing a countryman in Phrygia digging in the ground, asked him what he was doing, the man replied with a sigh, "I am seeking for Antigonus." Just so at this time it recurred to many to reflect on the noble and placable character of those princes, and to contrast them with Antipater, who, although he pretended to be only a private citizen, wore shabby clothes, and lived on humble fare, really tyrannized over the Athenians in their distress more grievously than either of them.
Phokion, however, managed to save many from exile, by supplicating Antipater on their behalf, and in the case of the exiles he obtained this much favour, that they were not transported quite out of Greece, beyond the Keraunian mountains and Cape Tænarus, as were the exiles from the other Greek cities, but were settled in Peloponnesus. Among these was Hagnonides, the informer. Phokion now devoted his attention to the management of the internal politics of Athens in a quiet and law-abiding fashion. He contrived to have good and sensible men always appointed as magistrates, and by excluding the noisy and revolutionary party from the public offices, made them less inclined to create a disturbance, and taught them to be content with their country as it was, and to turn their minds to agricultural pursuits. When he saw Xenokrates paying his tax as a resident alien, he wished to enrol him as a citizen; but Xenokrates refused, saying that he would not put himself under the new constitution after he had gone on an embassy to prevent its being established.
XXX. When Menyllus offered him presents, Phokion replied that he did not consider him to be a better man than Alexander, and saw no greater reason why he should accept a present now than when Alexander offered it to him. As Menyllus begged his son Phokus to accept it, Phokion said, "If Phokus alters his nature, and becomes frugal, his father's property will be enough for him; but, as it is, nothing will satisfy him."
He gave a sharp reply to Antipater, who asked him to perform some disgraceful service for him. "I cannot," said he, "be Antipater's friend and his toady at the same time."
Antipater himself is said to have remarked that he had two friends at Athens, Phokion and Demades, the one of whom he could not persuade to take a bribe, while the other took bribes and never was satisfied.
Phokion indeed considered it a great proof of his virtue that he had grown old in poverty, after having so many times been elected general of the Athenians, and having been the friend of kings; while Demades openly prided himself both upon his wealth and his contempt for the laws. Although there was a law in force at Athens at that period, which forbade foreigners to appear in a chorus, and imposed a fine of one thousand drachmas upon the choragus who allowed them to do so, Demades exhibited a chorus of one hundred foreigners, and publicly paid in the theatre a fine of a thousand drachmas for each of them. On the occasion of the marriage of his son Demeas, he said, "My boy, when I married your mother, our next-door neighbours heard nothing of it; but kings and potentates shall attend your nuptials."
Although the Athenians tormented Phokion with requests that he would use his influence with Antipater to get the Macedonian garrison withdrawn, he always contrived to postpone making this application, either because he knew that it would not be granted, or because he thought that the fear of the Macedonian troops compelled the Athenians to live in a quiet and orderly fashion; but, on the other hand, he induced Antipater to postpone indefinitely his demand for money from the city. The Athenians now betook themselves to Demades, who eagerly promised his services, and, together with his son, started for Macedonia, to which country it seems as if he was brought by the direct agency of the gods at a time when Antipater was on a sick bed, and Kassander, who was now at the head of affairs, had discovered a letter addressed by Demades to Antigonus in Asia, inviting him to cross over into Greece and Macedonia, and free them from their dependence on an old and rotten warp[648] -by which expression he meant to sneer at Antipater. As soon as Kassander saw Demades arrive in Macedonia he had him arrested, and first led his son close to him and then stabbed him, so that his robe was covered with his son's blood, and then, after bitterly upbraiding him with his ingratitude and treason, killed him also.
XXXI. Antipater on his death-bed appointed Polysperchon to the supreme command, and gave Kassander the post of chiliarch, or general of the body guard. Kassander, however, instantly began to plot against Polysperchon, and taking time by the forelock, sent Nikanor in haste to supersede Menyllus, before the news of the death of Antipater became publicly known, with orders to make himself master of Munychia. This was done, and when after a few days the Athenians heard that Antipater was dead they blamed Phokion, insinuating that he had been told of the death of Antipater, but said nothing about it, and so encouraged the designs of Nikanor. Phokion took no notice of this scandalous talk, but put himself in communication with Nikanor, and prevailed upon him to treat the Athenians with mildness, and even induced him to act as president of the games, in the performance of which office he took considerable pride and incurred some expense.
XXXII. Meanwhile Polysperchon, who was now regent of the Macedonian empire, and had put down Kassander, sent a letter to the Athenians to the effect that "the king restored the democracy at Athens, and bade the Athenians govern themselves according to the customs of their fathers." This was merely a trick to ruin Phokion, for Polysperchon, whose design, as his acts shortly afterwards proved, was to gain over the city of Athens to his side, had no hopes of succeeding in this unless Phokion were driven out of Athens; while he expected that Phokion would be driven out when all the exiled citizens returned, and when the informers and mob orators again occupied the bema. As the Athenians were excited at this intelligence, Nikanor desired to discuss the matter with them, and appeared at a conference held in Peiræus, having received from Phokion a pledge for his personal safety. Derkyllus, the local commander, tried to seize him, but Nikanor escaped, and at once began to take measures for the defence of Peiræus against the Athenians. Phokion, when blamed for having permitted Nikanor to escape, answered that he felt confidence in Nikanor, and did not expect that he would do any harm; and even if he did, he preferred suffering wrong to doing it. This was no doubt a most magnanimous sentiment; but when a man on such grounds risks the freedom of his country, especially when he is acting as general, I am inclined to think that he breaks an older and more important law, that, namely, of his duty to his fellow-citizens. We cannot argue that Phokion refrained from seizing Nikanor because he feared to involve his country in war, and it was absurd of him to plead that good faith and justice demanded that Nikanor should be left alone, on the understanding that he would feel bound to abstain from any acts of violence. The real truth seems to have been that Phokion had a firm belief in Nikanor's honesty, since he refused to believe those who told him that Nikanor was plotting the capture of Peiræus, and had sent Macedonian soldiers into Salamis, and had even corrupted some of the inhabitants in Peiræus itself. Even when Philomelus of Lamptra moved a resolution that all Athenians should get under arms and be ready to follow their general Phokion, he refused to act, until Nikanor marched his troops out of Munychia and fortified Peiræus with a trench and palisade.
XXXIII. When this took place Phokion, who was now quite willing to lead the Athenians to attack Nikanor, was insulted and treated with contempt; and now Alexander the son of Polysperchon arrived with a military force, nominally with the intention of assisting the citizens against Nikanor, but really meaning if possible to make himself master of the city while it was divided against itself. The exiled Athenians who accompanied him at once entered the city, and as the disfranchised inhabitants joined them, a disorderly and informal assembly was held, in which Phokion was removed from his office, and other men were appointed generals. Had it not been that Alexander and Nikanor were observed to hold frequent conferences together alone outside the walls, the city could not have been saved. Hagnonides the informer now at once began to accuse Phokion and his party of treason; upon which Charikles and Kallimedon left the city in terror, while Phokion and those of his friends who stood by him proceeded to Polysperchon himself. They were accompanied, out of regard for Phokion, by Solon of Platæa and Deinarchus of Corinth, who were thought to be intimate friends of Polysperchon. As Deinarchus was sick, they waited for some days at Elatea, and in the meantime, at the instigation of Hagnonides, although Archestratus brought forward the motion for it in the assembly, the Athenians sent an embassy to the court of Macedonia to accuse Phokion of treason. Both met Polysperchon at the same time, as he with the king[649] was passing through a village of Phokis named Pharyges, which lies at the foot of the Akrousian mountain, now called Galate. Here Polysperchon set up the throne with the gilt ceiling, under which he placed the king and his friends. He ordered Deinarchus at once to be seized, tortured, and put to death, but he allowed the Athenians to plead their cause before him. They however made a great disturbance by contradicting and abusing one another, so that Hagnonides said, "Pack us all into one cage and send us back to Athens to be tried." At this the king laughed, but the Macedonians and others who were present wished to hear what each side had to say, and bade the two embassies state their case. They were not, however, fairly treated, for Polysperchon several times interrupted Phokion during his speech, until at last he struck the ground with his staff in a rage and held his peace. When Hegemon[650] too said that Polysperchon himself knew him to be a friend to the people of Athens, Polysperchon angrily exclaimed "Do not slander me to the king." At this the king himself leaped to his feet, and would have struck Hegemon with a spear, but was quickly seized by Polysperchon, upon which the court broke up.
XXXIV. Phokion and his companions were now taken into custody: upon which such of his friends as saw this from a distance covered their faces with their cloaks and made their escape. Kleitus conducted the prisoners back to Athens, nominally to be tried there, but really already under sentence of death. The procession was a sad one, as they were brought in carts through the Kerameikus to the theatre, where Kleitus kept them until the archons had convened the assembly. From this assembly neither slaves, foreigners, nor disfranchised citizens were excluded, but every one, men and women alike, were allowed to be present and to address the people. After the king's letter was read, in which he said that he was convinced that these men were traitors, but sent them to Athens for trial because that city was free and independent, Kleitus brought in the prisoners. At the sight of Phokion the better class of citizens covered their faces and silently wept, and one of them had the courage to rise and say that, as the king had allowed the Athenian people to conduct so important a trial, all slaves and foreigners ought to leave the assembly. The populace, however, would not hear of this, but cried, "Down with the oligarchs who hate the people." As no other friend of Phokion dared to speak, he himself, after obtaining a hearing with difficulty, asked "Do you wish to condemn us to death justly or unjustly?" As some answered "justly," he said, "How can you be sure of this, if you will not hear us?" As however the people paid no more attention to him, he came nearer to them and said, "For my own part, I admit that I have done wrong, and I consider that my political acts deserve to be punished with death; but, men of Athens, why will you kill these others, who have done no wrong?" When many voices answered, "Because they are your friends," Phokion retired and held his peace. Hagnonides now read the motion which he was about to put to the meeting which called upon the people to decide by a show of hands whether the men were guilty or not; and in case they were found guilty, to put them to death.
XXXV. When this decree was read some wished to add to it that they should be put to death with torture, and bade Hagnonides send for the rack and the executioners; but Hagnonides, seeing that even the Macedonian Kleitus was disgusted at this proposal, and thought it a savage and wicked action, said, "Men of Athens, when we catch the villain Kallimedon, we will put him to the torture; but I will make no such proposal in the case of Phokion." Upon this one of the better class cried out, "And quite right too; for if we torture Phokion, what shall we do to you?" When the decree was passed by show of hands, no one sat still, but the whole people, many of them wearing garlands of flowers, rose and voted for the death of the accused. These, besides Phokion, consisted of Nikokles, Thodippus, Hegemon, and Pythokles: while sentence of death in their absence was passed against Demetrius Phalereus, Kallimedon, Charikles, and some others.
XXXVI. When after the assembly broke up the condemned men were being taken to prison, the others threw themselves into the arms of their friends and relations, and walked along with tears and lamentations; but when they saw that the countenance of Phokion was as calm as when he used as general to be conducted in state out of the assembly, they wondered at his composure and greatness of soul. His enemies accompanied him and abused him, and one even came up to him and spat in his face. At this outrage it is said that Phokion looked towards the archons, and said, "Will no one make this fellow behave himself?"
As Thodippus in prison, when he saw the hemlock being prepared, bewailed his fate, and said that he did not deserve to perish with Phokion, Phokion said, "Are you not satisfied then to die in Phokion's company?" When one of his friends asked him if he had any message for his son Phokus, he answered, "Yes, tell him not to bear any malice against the Athenians." When Nikokles, the most trusty of his friends, begged to be allowed to drink the poison before him, he answered, "Your request is one which it grieves me to grant; but, as I have never refused you anything in your life, I agree even to this." When all his friends had drunk, the poison ran short, and the executioner refused to prepare any more unless he were paid twelve drachmas, the price of that weight of hemlock. After a long delay, Phokion called one of his friends to him, and, saying that it was hard if a man could not even die gratis at Athens, bade him give the man the money he wanted.
XXXVII. The day of Phokion's death was the nineteenth of the month Munychion,[651] and the knights rode past the prison in solemn procession to the temple of Zeus. Some of them took off their garlands from their heads, while others came in tears to the gates of the prison and looked in. All whose better feelings were not utterly overpowered by passion and hatred agreed in thinking it a very indecent proceeding not to have waited one day for the execution, and so to have avoided the pollution of the festival by the death of the prisoners. Moreover, the enemies of Phokion, as if they had not even yet satisfied their spite, passed a decree excluding his body from burial, and forbidding any Athenian to furnish fire to burn it. In consequence of this, no one of his friends dared to touch the body, but one Konopion, a man who was accustomed to deal with such cases for hire, conveyed the body beyond Eleusis, obtained fire from Megara over the Attic frontier, and burned it. Phokion's wife, who was present with her maids, raised an empty tomb[652] on the spot, placed the bones in her bosom, and carried them by night into her own house, where she buried them beside the hearth, saying, "To thee, dear hearth, I entrust these remains of a good man; do you restore them to his fathers' tomb when the Athenians recover their senses."
XXXVIII. After a short time, however, when circumstances had taught them what a protector and guardian of virtue they had lost, the Athenians set up a brazen statue of Phokion, and gave his remains a public burial. They themselves condemned and executed Hagnonides, while Phokion's son followed Epikurus and Demophilus, who fled the country, discovered their place of refuge, and avenged himself upon them. He is said to have been far from respectable in character; and once, when attached to a common prostitute, who was the slave of a brothel-keeper, he happened to attend one of the lectures of Theodorus, who was surnamed "the atheist," in the Lyceum. As he heard him say that "if it be noble to ransom one's male friends from captivity, it must be equally so to ransom one's female friends; and that, if it be right for a man to set free the man whom he loves, it must be his duty to do likewise to the woman whom he loves," he determined to use this argument for the gratification of his own passion, and to conclude that the philosopher bade him purchase the freedom of his mistress.
The treatment of Phokion reminded the Greeks of that of Sokrates, as both the crime and the misfortune of the city in both cases was almost exactly the same.
FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 622: Cic. ad Att. ii. 1. Dicit enim tanquam in Platonis [Greek: politeia] πολιτέιᾳ non tanquam in fæce Romuli sententiam. I have translated Plutarch literally, though I have no doubt that the occasion to which he alludes (which is not mentioned by Cicero, l.c.)
is that of the election to the prætorship, B.C. 55, when the worthless adventurer Vatinius was preferred to Cato. M. Cato in petitione præturæ, prælato Vatinio, repulsam tulit. Liv. Epit. cv. See also Val.
Max. vii. 5, and Merivale's 'History of the Romans,' vol. i. ch. ix.
The word [Greek: hupateia] ὑπατεία is always used by Plutarch as the Greek equivalent for the Roman title of consul.]
[Footnote 623: This saying of his is mentioned in the 'Life of [Footnote 624: He was elected no less than forty-five times to the annual office of Strategus or General of the city--that is, one of the Board of Ten so denominated, the greatest executive function at Athens.--Grote, 'Hist. of Greece,' Part ii. ch. lxxxvii.]
[Footnote 625: Meaning, why do you affect to be a Spartan, and yet speak like an Athenian? See vol. iii. 'Life of Kleomenes,' ch. ix.]
[Footnote 626: Grote observes, in commenting on this passage, that "Plutarch has no clear idea of the different contests carried on in Eubœa. He passes on, without a note of transition, from this war in the island (in 349-348 B.C.) to the subsequent war in 341 B.C. Nothing indeed can be more obscure and difficult to disentangle than the sequence of Eubœan transactions."--'Hist. of Greece,' Part ii., ch.
lxxxviii.]
[Footnote 627: From Plutarch's narrative one would imagine that the "enemy" must mean the Macedonians: but we find that they really were the native Eubœans, led by Kallias of Chalkis, with only a detachment of Macedonians and some Phokian mercenary troops.]
[Footnote 628: Disregarding Phokion's order, and acting with a deliberate treason which was accounted at Athens unparalleled, Plutarchus advanced out of the camp to meet them; but presently fled, drawing along in his flight the Athenian horse, who had also advanced in some disorder. --Grote, l.c.]
[Footnote 629: The battle of Chæronea, which took place in August, B.C. 338.]
[Footnote 630: The Greek is "to offer sacrifice," with the implied idea of feasting on the animal offered. In the first chapter of this Life we learn that it was only the less eatable parts of the victim which were burned. Thus the idea of offering sacrifice always suggested merry-making and feasting to the Greek mind. Grote says, "We cannot doubt that the public of Athens, as well as Demosthenes, felt great joy at an event which seemed to open to them fresh chances of freedom, and that the motion for a sacrifice of thanksgiving, in spite of Phokion's opposition, was readily adopted."]
[Footnote 631: This speech of Phokion is given at greater length by Diodorus, xvii. 15.]
[Footnote 632: A quarter of Athens, probably south of the Acropolis.
See Lieut.-Col. Leake's 'Topography of Athens,' sect. iv.]
[Footnote 633: The original is [Greek: apobatês] ἀποβάτης, which corresponds to the Latin desultor, meaning one who rode several horses, leaping from one to the other.]
[Footnote 634: Plutarch's narrative here is misleading, as it seems to imply that Harpalus gave this money to Charikles _after_ his arrival in Athens. We know from Theopompus (Fr. 277) that the monument had been finished some time before Harpalus quitted Asia. Plutarch treats it as a mean structure, unworthy of the sum expended on it; but both Dikæarchus and Pausanias describe it as stately and magnificent.
Grote's 'History of Greece,' Part II. ch. xcv., note.]
[Footnote 635: See Life of Demosthenes, ch. xxv.; and Grote, Hist. of Greece, Part II., ch. xcv.]
[Footnote 636: The Lamian war, so called from the siege of Lamia, in which Leosthenes perished.]
[Footnote 637: [Greek: Hêbê] Ἥβη, the word here used, means the time just before manhood, from about fourteen to twenty years of age; at Sparta it was fixed at eighteen, so that of [Greek: hoi deka aph' hêbês] οἱ δέκα ἀφ' ἥβης were men of twenty-eight, [Greek: hoi tettarakonta aph' hêbês] οἱ τετταράκοντα ἀφ' ἥβης men of fifty-eight, &c. Xen. Hell. 3. 4, 23. Liddell and Scott. Here, therefore, [Greek: hoi achri heksêkonta aph' hêbês] οἱ ἄχρι ἑκσήκοντα ἀφ' ἥβης must mean all citizens under about seventy-five years of age.]
[Footnote 638: Rhamnus was a demus of Attica, situated on a small rocky peninsula on the east coast of Attica, sixty stadia from Marathon.]
[Footnote 639: In Thessaly. The action was fought B.C. 322. Menon with his Thessalian horse defeated the Macedonian cavalry, but the Greek infantry were beaten back by the phalanx, with a loss of 120 men.]
[Footnote 640: Plutarch speaks as if Leonnatus had effected his junction with Antipater before the action was fought. But the real truth was that Leonnatus advanced to raise the siege of Lamia, and that Antiphilus, who was not strong enough to continue the blockade and fight the relieving force, raised the blockade and moved by rapid marches to attack Leonnatus apart from Antipater. Through the superior efficiency of the Thessalian cavalry under Menon, he gained an important advantage in a cavalry battle over Leonnatus, who was himself slain. On the very next day Antipater came up, bringing the troops from Lamia, and took command of the defeated army.]
[Footnote 641: See Smith's Dict. of Antiquities, s.v. Graphé Paranomon.]
[Footnote 642: Demades, although Plutarch does not mention it, accompanied Phokion on his first visit to Antipater.]
[Footnote 643: The successor of Plato and Speusippus as presiding teacher in the school of the Academy.]
[Footnote 644: The expression in the text is vague, but we learn from other sources that the surrender of at least two other anti-Macedonian orators was demanded.]
[Footnote 645: Grote.]
[Footnote 646: See vol. i., Life of Alkibiades, ch. 34.]
[Footnote 647: The three sub-divisions of Port Peiræus were named Kantharus, Aphredisium and Zea. See Leake, 'Topography of Athens,' and Schol. in Ar. Pac. 144.]
[Footnote 648: The upright threads of the loom are meant, not a large rope.]
[Footnote 649: Philip Arrhidæus.]
[Footnote 650: Another of the accused.]
[Footnote 651: May.]
[Footnote 652: These words, which I borrow from Clough, express the meaning to English ears, though the Greek merely is "piled up a mound."]
LIFE OF CATO.
I. Cato's family derived the origin of its splendour and reputation from his great-grandfather[653] Cato, a man who had reputation and power chief among the Romans by reason of his merit, as it has been written in his Life. Cato was left an orphan with his brother Cæpio and a sister Porcia. Servilia also was a sister of Cato by the same mother. All of them were brought up and lived with Livius Drusus,[654] their mother's uncle, who was then the chief political leader; for he was a most powerful speaker, and also a man of the best regulated habits, and in lofty bearing inferior to no Roman. It is said that Cato from his childhood both in his voice and the expression of his countenance and even in his amusements gave indication of a character immovable and impassive and firm in everything. His purposes displayed a strength in accomplishing his ends which was above his age: and while he was rough and stubborn towards those who attempted to flatter him, still more did he show his mastery over all who would try to terrify him by threats. He was also difficult to move to laughter, and his countenance was seldom relaxed even into a smile; he was not quick nor prone to anger, but when he had been moved to anger, he was hard to pacify. Accordingly when he began to learn, he was dull and slow to conceive, but when he had conceived, he held fast and remembered well.
And it is generally the case that those who have a good natural capacity are more ready at recollection,[655] but those have a strong memory who learn with labour and trouble; for all learning is in a manner a branding on the mind. It appears too that Cato's difficulty of persuasion made learning a matter of more labour to him; for learning is in truth a kind of passive condition, and to be easily persuaded is incident to those who have less power of resistance. It is for this reason that young men are more easily persuaded than old men, and sick persons than those who are whole; and generally, with