On the day that you take up your command, 政舉 does not mean “when war is declared,” as Capt. Calthrop says, nor yet exactly, as Ts‘ao Kung paraphrases it, 謀定 “when your plans are fixed,” when you have mapped out your campaign. The phrase is not given in the _P‘ei Wên Yün Fu_. There being no causal connection discoverable between this and the preceding sentence, 是故 must perforce be left untranslated.
block the frontier passes, 夷 is explained by Mei Yao-ch‘ên as 滅塞.
destroy the official tallies, The _locus classicus_ for these tallies is _Chou Li_, XIV. fol. 40 (Imperial edition): 門關用符節貨賄用璽節道路用旌節. The generic term thus appears to be 節, 符 being the special kind used at city-gates and on the frontier. They were tablets of bamboo or wood, one half of which was issued as a permit or passport by the official in charge of a gate (司門 or 司關. Cf. the 封人 “border-warden” of _Lun Yü_ III. 24, who may have had similar duties.) When this half was returned to him, within a fixed period, he was authorised to open the gate and let the traveller through.
and stop the passage of all emissaries.
Either to or from the enemy’s country.
64. 厲於廊廟之上以誅其事 Be stern in the council-chamber, Show no weakness, and insist on your plans being ratified by the sovereign. 廊廟 indicates a hall or temple in the Palace. Cf. I.
§ 26. It is not clear if other officers would be present. Hardly anything can be made of 勵, the reading of the standard text, so I have adopted Tu Mu’s conjecture 厲, which appears in the _T‘u Shu_.
so that you may control the situation.
Ts‘ao Kung explains 誅 by 治, and Ho Shih by 責成. Another reading is 謀, and Mei Yao-ch‘ên, adopting this, understands the whole sentence to mean: Take the strictest precautions to ensure secrecy in your deliberations. Capt. Calthrop glides rather too smoothly over the rough places. His translation is: “conduct the business of the government with vigilance.”
65. 敵人開闔必亟入之 If the enemy leaves a door open, you must rush in.
This looks a very simple sentence, yet Ts‘ao Kung is the only commentator who takes it as I have done. Mêng Shih, followed by Mei Yao-ch‘ên and Chang Yü, defines 開闔 as 間者 “spies,” and makes 入 an active verb: “If spies come from the enemy, we must quickly let them in.” But I cannot find that the words 開闔 have this meaning anywhere else. On the other hand, they may be taken as two verbs, 或開或闔, expressing the enemy’s indecision whether to advance or retreat, that being the best moment to attack him.
[Cf. _Tao Tê Ching_, chap. X: 天門開闔能爲雌乎; also _Li Chi_, 曲禮, I. ii. 25.] It is not easy to choose between this and Ts‘ao Kung’s explanation; the fact that 敵人開戶 occurs shortly afterwards, in § 68, might be adduced in support of either. 必 must be understood in the sense of 宜 or 當. The only way to avoid this is to put 開闔 between commas and translate: “If we leave a door open, the enemy is sure to rush in.”
66. 先其所愛微與之期 Forestall your opponent by seizing what he holds dear, Cf. _supra_, § 18.
and subtly contrive to time his arrival on the ground.
Capt. Calthrop hardly attempts to translate this difficult paragraph, but invents the following instead: “Discover what he most values, and plan to seize it.” Ch‘ên Hao’s explanation, however, is clear enough: 我若先奪便地而敵不至雖有其利亦奚用之是以欲取 其愛惜之處必先微與敵人相期誤之使必至 “If I manage to seize a favourable position, but the enemy does not appear on the scene, the advantage thus obtained cannot be turned to any practical account.
He who intends, therefore, to occupy a position of importance to the enemy, must begin by making an artful appointment, so to speak, with his antagonist, and cajole him into going there as well.” Mei Yao-ch‘ên explains that this “artful appointment” is to be made through the medium of the enemy’s own spies, who will carry back just the amount of information that we choose to give them. Then, having cunningly disclosed our intentions, 我後人發先人至 “we must manage, though starting after the enemy, to arrive before him” (VII. § 4). We must start after him in order to ensure his marching thither; we must arrive before him in order to capture the place without trouble. Taken thus, the present passage lends some support to Mei Yao-ch‘ên’s interpretation of § 47.
67. 踐墨隨敵以決戰事 Walk in the path defined by rule, 墨 stands for 繩墨 “a marking-line,” hence a rule of conduct. See Mencius VII. 1. xli. 2. Ts‘ao Kung explains it by the similar metaphor 規矩 “square and compasses.” The baldness of the sentiment rather inclines me to favour the reading 剗 adopted by Chia Lin in place of 踐, which yields an exactly opposite sense, namely: “Discard hard and fast rules.” Chia Lin says: 惟勝是利不可守以繩墨而爲 “Victory is the only thing that matters, and this cannot be achieved by adhering to conventional canons.” It is unfortunate that this variant rests on very slight authority, for the sense yielded is certainly much more satisfactory. Napoleon, as we know, according to the veterans of the old school whom he defeated, won his battles by violating every accepted canon of warfare.
and accommodate yourself to the enemy until you can fight a decisive battle.
The last four words of the Chinese are omitted by Capt. Calthrop.
Tu Mu says: 隨敵人之形若有可乘之勢則出而決戰 “Conform to the enemy’s tactics until a favourable opportunity offers; then come forth and engage in a battle that shall prove decisive.”
68. 是故始如處女敵人開戶後如脫兎敵不及拒 At first, then, exhibit the coyness of a maiden, until the enemy gives you an opening; afterwards emulate the rapidity of a running hare, and it will be too late for the enemy to oppose you.
As the hare is noted for its extreme timidity, the comparison hardly appears felicitous. But of course Sun Tzŭ was thinking only of its speed. The words have been taken to mean: You must flee from the enemy as quickly as an escaping hare; but this is rightly rejected by Tu Mu. Capt. Calthrop is wrong in translating 兎 “rabbit.” Rabbits are not indigenous to China, and were certainly not known there in the 6th century B.C. The last sixteen characters evidently form a sort of four-line jingle. Chap. X, it may be remembered, closed in similar fashion.
XII. 火攻篇 THE ATTACK BY FIRE.
Rather more than half the chapter (§§ 1–13) is devoted to the subject of fire, after which the author branches off into other topics.
1. 孫子曰凡火攻有五一曰火人二曰火積三曰火輜四曰火庫五曰火隊 Sun Tzŭ said: There are five ways of attacking with fire. The first is to burn soldiers in their camp; So Tu Mu. Li Ch‘üan says: 焚其營殺其士卒也 “Set fire to the camp, and kill the soldiers” (when they try to escape from the flames).
Pan Ch‘ao, sent on a diplomatic mission to the King of Shan-shan [see XI. § 51, note], found himself placed in extreme peril by the unexpected arrival of an envoy from the Hsiung-nu [the mortal enemies of the Chinese]. In consultation with his officers, he exclaimed: “‘Never venture, never win![183] The only course open to us now is to make an assault by fire on the barbarians under cover of night, when they will not be able to discern our numbers.
Profiting by their panic, we shall exterminate them completely; this will cool the King’s courage and cover us with glory, besides ensuring the success of our mission.’ The officers all replied that it would be necessary to discuss the matter first with the Intendant (從事). Pan Ch‘ao then fell into a passion: ‘It is to-day,’ he cried, ‘that our fortunes must be decided! The Intendant is only a humdrum civilian, who on hearing of our project will certainly be afraid, and everything will be brought to light. An inglorious death is no worthy fate for valiant warriors.’ All then agreed to do as he wished. Accordingly, as soon as night came on, he and his little band quickly made their way to the barbarian camp. A strong gale was blowing at the time.
Pan Ch‘ao ordered ten of the party to take drums and hide behind the enemy’s barracks, it being arranged that when they saw flames shoot up, they should begin drumming and yelling with all their might. The rest of his men, armed with bows and crossbows, he posted in ambuscade at the gate of the camp. He then set fire to the place from the windward side, whereupon a deafening noise of drums and shouting arose on the front and rear of the Hsiung-nu, who rushed out pell-mell in frantic disorder. Pan Ch‘ao slew three of them with his own hand, while his companions cut off the heads of the envoy and thirty of his suite. The remainder, more than a hundred in all, perished in the flames. On the following day, Pan Ch‘ao went back and informed 郭恂 Kuo Hsün [the Intendant] of what he had done. The latter was greatly alarmed and turned pale.
But Pan Ch‘ao, divining his thoughts, said with uplifted hand: ‘Although you did not go with us last night, I should not think, Sir, of taking sole credit for our exploit.’ This satisfied Kuo Hsün, and Pan Ch‘ao, having sent for Kuang, King of Shan-shan, showed him the head of the barbarian envoy. The whole kingdom was seized with fear and trembling, which Pan Ch‘ao took steps to allay by issuing a public proclamation. Then, taking the king’s son as hostage, he returned to make his report to 竇固 Tou Ku.”
the second is to burn stores; Tu Mu says: 糧食薪芻 “Provisions, fuel and fodder.” In order to subdue the rebellious population of Kiangnan, 高潁 Kao Kêng recommended Wên Ti of the Sui dynasty to make periodical raids and burn their stores of grain, a policy which in the long run proved entirely successful. [隋書, ch. 41, fol. 2.]
the third is to burn baggage-trains; An example given is the destruction of 袁紹 Yüan Shao’s waggons and the fourth is to burn arsenals and magazines; Tu Mu says that the things contained in 輜 and 庫 are the same. He specifies weapons and other implements, bullion and clothing. Cf.
VII. § 11.
the fifth is to hurl dropping fire amongst the enemy.
No fewer than four totally diverse explanations of this sentence are given by the commentators, not one of which is quite satisfactory. It is obvious, at any rate, that the ordinary meaning of 隊 (“regiment” or “company”) is here inadmissible. In spite of Tu Mu’s note, 焚其行伍因亂而擊之, I must regard “company burning” (Capt. Calthrop’s rendering) as nonsense pure and simple.
We may also, I think, reject the very forced explanation given by Li Ch‘üan, Mei Yao-ch‘ên and Chang Yü, of whom the last-named says: 焚其隊仗使兵無戰具 “burning a regiment’s weapons, so that the soldiers may have nothing to fight with.” That leaves only two solutions open: one, favoured by Chia Lin and Ho Shih, is to take 隊 in the somewhat uncommon sense of “a road,” = 隧. The commentary on a passage in the 穆天子傳, quoted in _K‘ang Hsi_, defines 隊 (read _sui_) as 谷中險阻道 “a difficult road leading through a valley.” Here it would stand for the 糧道 “line of supplies,” which might be effectually interrupted if the country roundabout was laid waste with fire. Finally, the interpretation which I have adopted is that given by Tu Yu in the _T‘ung Tien_. He reads 墜 (which is not absolutely necessary, 隊 _chui_ being sometimes used in the same sense), with the following note: 以火墮敵營中也火墜之法 以鐵籠火着箭頭頸强弩射敵營中 “To drop fire into the enemy’s camp. The method by which this may be done is to set the tips of arrows alight by dipping them into a brazier, and then shoot them from powerful crossbows into the enemy’s lines.”
2. 行火必有因煙火必素具 In order to carry out an attack with fire, we must have means available.
Ts‘ao Kung thinks that 姦人 “traitors in the enemy’s camp” are referred to. He thus takes 因 as the efficient cause only. But Ch‘ên Hao is more likely to be right in saying: 須得其便不獨姦人 “We must have favourable circumstances in general, not merely traitors to help us.” Chia Lin says: 因風燥 “We must avail ourselves of wind and dry weather.”
The material for raising fire should always be kept in readiness.
煙火 is explained by Ts‘ao Kung as 燒具 “appliances for making fire.” Tu Mu suggests 艾蒿荻葦薪芻膏油之屬 “dry vegetable matter, reeds, brushwood, straw, grease, oil, etc.” Here we have the material cause. Chang Yü says: 𫎓火之器燃火之物 “vessels for hoarding fire, stuff for lighting fires.”
3. 發火有時起火有日 There is a proper season for making attacks with fire, and special days for starting a conflagration.
A fire must not be begun 妄 “recklessly” or 偶然 “at haphazard.”
4. 時者天之燥也日者宿在箕壁翼軫也凡此四宿者風起之日也 The proper season is when the weather is very dry; the special days are those when the moon is in the constellations of the Sieve, the Wall, the Wing or the Cross-bar; These are, respectively, the 7th, 14th, 27th, and 28th of the 二十八宮 Twenty-eight Stellar Mansions, corresponding roughly to Sagittarius, Pegasus, Crater and Corvus. The original text, followed by the _T‘u Shu_, has 月 in place of 宿; the present reading rests on the authority of the _T‘ung Tien_ and _Yü Lan_.
Tu Mu says: 宿者月之所宿也. For 箕壁, both _T‘ung Tien_ and _Yü Lan_ give the more precise location 戊箕東壁. Mei Yao-ch‘ên tells us that by 箕 is meant the tail of the 龍 Dragon; by 壁, the eastern part of that constellation; by 翼 and 軫, the tail of the 鶉 Quail.
for these four are all days of rising wind.
此四宿者 is elliptical for 月在此四宿之日. 蕭繹 Hsiao I (afterwards fourth Emperor of the Liang dynasty, A.D. 552–555) is quoted by Tu Yu as saying that the days 丙丁 of spring, 戊已 of summer, 壬癸 of autumn, and 甲乙 of winter bring fierce gales of wind and rain.
5. 凡火攻必因五火之變而應之 In attacking with fire, one should be prepared to meet five possible developments: I take 五 as qualifying 變, not 火, and therefore think that Chang Yü is wrong in referring 五火 to the five methods of attack set forth in § 1. What follows has certainly nothing to do with these.
6. 火發於內則早應之於外 (1) When fire breaks out inside the enemy’s camp, respond at once The _Yü Lan_ incorrectly reads 軍 for 早.
with an attack from without.
7. 火發而其兵靜者待而勿攻 (2) If there is an outbreak of fire, but the enemy’s soldiers remain quiet, bide your time and do not attack.
The original text omits 而其. The prime object of attacking with fire is to throw the enemy into confusion. If this effect is not produced, it means that the enemy is ready to receive us. Hence the necessity for caution.
8. 極其火力可從而從之不可從而止 (3) When the force of the flames has reached its height, follow it up with an attack, if that is practicable; if not, stay where you are.
Ts‘ao Kung says: 見可而進知難而退 “If you see a possible way, advance; but if you find the difficulties too great, retire.”
9. 火可發於外無待於內以時發之 (4) If it is possible to make an assault with fire from without, do not wait for it to break out within, but deliver your attack at a favourable moment.
Tu Mu says that the previous paragraphs had reference to the fire breaking out (either accidentally, we may suppose, or by the agency of incendiaries) inside the enemy’s camp. “But,” he continues, 若敵居荒澤草穢或營栅可焚之地卽須及時發火不必更待內發作然後應之恐 敵人自燒野草我起火無益 “if the enemy is settled in a waste place littered with quantities of grass, or if he has pitched his camp in a position which can be burnt out, we must carry our fire against him at any seasonable opportunity, and not wait on in hopes of an outbreak occurring within, for fear our opponents should themselves burn up the surrounding vegetation, and thus render our own attempts fruitless.” The famous 李陵 Li Ling once baffled the 單于 leader of the Hsiung-nu in this way. The latter, taking advantage of a favourable wind, tried to set fire to the Chinese general’s camp, but found that every scrap of combustible vegetation in the neighbourhood had already been burnt down. On the other hand, 波才 Po-ts‘ai, a general of the 黃巾賊 Yellow Turban rebels, was badly defeated in 184 A.D. through his neglect of this simple precaution. “At the head of a large army he was besieging 長社 Ch‘ang-shê, which was held by 皇甫嵩 Huang-fu Sung.
The garrison was very small, and a general feeling of nervousness pervaded the ranks; so Huang-fu Sung called his officers together and said: ‘In war, there are various indirect methods of attack, and numbers do not count for everything. [The commentator here quotes Sun Tzŭ, V. §§ 5, 6 and 10.] Now the rebels have pitched their camp in the midst of thick grass (依草結營), which will easily burn when the wind blows. If we set fire to it at night, they will be thrown into a panic, and we can make a sortie and attack them on all sides at once, thus emulating the achievement of T‘ien Tan.’ [See p. 90.] That same evening, a strong breeze sprang up; so Huang-fu Sung instructed his soldiers to bind reeds together into torches and mount guard on the city walls, after which he sent out a band of daring men, who stealthily made their way through the lines and started the fire with loud shouts and yells. Simultaneously, a glare of light shot up from the city-walls, and Huang-fu Sung, sounding his drums, led a rapid charge, which threw the rebels into confusion and put them to 10. 火發上風無攻下風 (5) When you start a fire, be to windward of it. Do not attack from the leeward.
Chang Yü, following Tu Yu, says: 燒之必退退而逆擊之必死戰則不便也 “When you make a fire, the enemy will retreat away from it; if you oppose his retreat and attack him then, he will fight desperately, which will not conduce to your success.” A rather more obvious explanation is given by Tu Mu: “If the wind is in the east, begin burning to the east of the enemy, and follow up the attack yourself from that side. If you start the fire on the east side, and then attack from the west, you will suffer in the same way as your enemy.”
11. 晝風久夜風止 A wind that rises in the daytime lasts long, but a night breeze soon falls.
Cf. Lao Tzŭ’s saying: 飄風不終朝 “A violent wind does not last the space of a morning.” (_Tao Tê Ching_, chap. 23.) Mei Yao-ch‘ên and Wang Hsi say: “A day breeze dies down at nightfall, and a night breeze at daybreak. This is what happens as a general rule.” The phenomenon observed may be correct enough, but how this sense is to be obtained is not apparent.
12. 凡軍必知有五火之變以數守之 In every army, the five developments connected with fire must be known, the movements of the stars calculated, and a watch kept for the proper days.
Tu Mu’s commentary shows what has to be supplied in order to make sense out of 以數守之. He says: 須筭星𨇠之數守風起之日乃可發火 “We must make calculations as to the paths of the stars, and watch for the days on which wind will rise, before making our attack with fire.” Chang Yü seems to take 守 in the sense of 防: “We must not only know how to assail our opponents with fire, but also be on our guard against similar attacks from them.”
13. 故以火佐攻者明以水佐攻者强 Hence those who use fire as an aid to the attack show intelligence; I have not the least hesitation in rejecting the commentators’ explanation of 明 as = 明白. Thus Chang Yü says: 灼然可以取勝 “...will _clearly_ [i.e. obviously] be able to gain the victory.” This is not only clumsy in itself, but does not balance 强 in the next those who use water as an aid to the attack gain an accession of strength.
Capt. Calthrop gives an extraordinary rendering of the paragraph: “...if the attack is to be assisted, the fire must be unquenchable. If water is to assist the attack, the flood must be overwhelming.”
14. 水可以絶不可以奪 By means of water, an enemy may be intercepted, but not robbed of all his belongings.
Ts‘ao Kung’s note is: 但可以絶敵道分敵軍不可以奪敵蓄積 “We can merely obstruct the enemy’s road or divide his army, but not sweep away all his accumulated stores.” Water can do useful service, but it lacks the terrible destructive power of fire. This is the reason, Chang Yü concludes, why the former is dismissed in a couple of sentences, whereas the attack by fire is discussed in detail. Wu Tzŭ (ch. 4) speaks thus of the two elements: 居軍下濕水無所通霖雨數至 可灌而沉居軍荒澤草楚幽穢風飆數至可焚而滅 “If an army is encamped on low-lying marshy ground, from which the water cannot run off, and where the rainfall is heavy, it may be submerged by a flood. If an army is encamped in wild marsh lands thickly overgrown with weeds and brambles, and visited by frequent gales, it may be exterminated by fire.”
15. 夫戰勝攻取而不修其功者凶命曰費留 Unhappy is the fate of one who tries to win his battles and succeed in his attacks without cultivating the spirit of enterprise; for the result is waste of time and general stagnation.
This is one of the most perplexing passages in Sun Tzŭ. The difficulty lies mainly in 不修其功, of which two interpretations appear possible. Most of the commentators understand 修 in the sense (not known to _K‘ang Hsi_) of 賞 “reward” or 舉 “promote,” and 其功 as referring to the merit of officers and men. Thus Ts‘ao Kung says: 賞善不踰日 “Rewards for good service should not be deferred a single day.” And Tu Mu: “If you do not take opportunity to advance and reward the deserving, your subordinates will not carry out your commands, and disaster will ensue.” 費留 would then probably mean 留滯費耗 “stoppage of expenditure,” or as Chia Lin puts it, 惜費 “the grudging of expenditure.” For several reasons, however, and in spite of the formidable array of scholars on the other side, I prefer the interpretation suggested by Mei Yao-ch‘ên alone, whose words I will quote: 欲戰必勝攻必取者在因時乘便能作爲功也作 爲功者修火攻水攻之類不可坐守其利也坐守其利者凶也 “Those who want to make sure of succeeding in their battles and assaults must seize the favourable moments when they come and not shrink on occasion from heroic measures: that is to say, they must resort to such means of attack as fire, water and the like. What they must not do, and what will prove fatal, is to sit still and simply hold on to the advantages they have got.” This retains the more usual meaning of 修, and also brings out a clear connection of thought with the previous part of the chapter. With regard to 費留, Wang Hsi paraphrases it as 費財老師 “expending treasure and tiring out [_lit._, ageing] the army.” 費 of course is expenditure or waste in general, either of time, money or strength. But the soldier is less concerned with the saving of money than of time. For the metaphor expressed in “stagnation” I am indebted to Ts‘ao Kung, who says: 若水之留不復還也. Capt. Calthrop gives a rendering which bears but little relation to the Chinese text: “unless victory or possession be obtained, the enemy quickly recovers, and misfortunes arise. The war drags on, and money is spent.”
16. 故曰明主慮之良將修之 Hence the saying: The enlightened ruler lays his plans well ahead; the good general cultivates his resources.
As Sun Tzŭ quotes this jingle in support of his assertion in § 15, we must suppose 修之 to stand for 修其功 or something analogous.
The meaning seems to be that the ruler lays plans which the general must show resourcefulness in carrying out. It is now plainer than ever that 修 cannot mean “to reward.” Nevertheless, Tu Mu quotes the following from the 三略, ch. 2: 霸者制士以權結士以 信使士以賞信衰則士疏賞虧則士不用命 “The warlike prince controls his soldiers by his authority, knits them together by good faith, and by rewards makes them serviceable. If faith decays, there will be disruption; if rewards are deficient, commands will not be respected.”
17. 非利不動非得不用非危不戰 Move not unless you see an advantage; 起, the _Yü Lan’s_ variant for 動, is adopted by Li Ch‘üan and Tu Mu.
use not your troops unless there is something to be gained; fight not unless the position is critical.
Sun Tzŭ may at times appear to be over-cautious, but he never goes so far in that direction as the remarkable passage in the _Tao Tê Ching_, ch. 69: 吾不敢爲主而爲客不敢進寸而退尺 “I dare not take the initiative, but prefer to act on the defensive; I dare not advance an inch, but prefer to retreat a foot.”
18. 主不可以怒而興師將不可以愠而致戰 No ruler should put troops into the field merely to gratify his own spleen; no general should fight a battle simply out of pique.
Again compare Lao Tzŭ, ch. 68: 善戰者不怒. Chang Yü says that 愠 is a weaker word than 怒, and is therefore applied to the general as opposed to the sovereign. The _T‘ung Tien_ and _Yü Lan_ read 軍 for 師, and the latter 合 for 致.
19. 合於利而動不合於利而止 If it is to your advantage, make a forward move; if not, stay where you are.
This is repeated from XI. § 17. Here I feel convinced that it is an interpolation, for it is evident that § 20 ought to follow immediately invents a sentence which he inserts before this one: “Do not make war unless victory may be gained thereby.” While he was about it, he might have credited Sun Tzŭ with something slightly less inane.
20. 怒可以復喜愠可以復悅 Anger may in time change to gladness; vexation may be succeeded by content.
According to Chang Yü, 喜 denotes joy outwardly manifested in the countenance, 悅 the inward sensation of happiness.
21. 亡國不可以復存死者不可以復生 But a kingdom that has once been destroyed can never come again into being; The Wu State was destined to be a melancholy example of this saying. See p. 50.
nor can the dead ever be brought back to life.
22. 故明君愼之良將警之此安國全軍之道也 Hence the enlightened ruler is heedful, and the good general full of caution.
警, which usually means “to warn,” is here equal to 戒. This is a good instance of how Chinese characters, which stand for ideas, refuse to be fettered by dictionary-made definitions. The _T‘u Shu_ reads 故曰, as in § 16.
This is the way to keep a country at peace and an army intact.
It is odd that 全軍 should not have the same meaning here as in III. § 1, _q.v._ This has led me to consider whether it might not be possible to take the earlier passage thus: “to preserve your own army (country, regiment, etc.) intact is better than to destroy the enemy’s.” The two words do not appear in the _T‘ung Tien_ or the _Yü Lan_. Capt. Calthrop misses the point by translating: “then is the state secure, and the army victorious in battle.”
XIII. 用間篇 THE USE OF SPIES.
間 is really a vulgar form of 閒, and does not appear in the _Shuo Wên_. In practice, however, it has gradually become a distinct character with special meanings of its own, and I have therefore followed my edition of the standard text in retaining this form throughout the chapter. In VI. § 25, on the other hand, the correct form 閒 will be found. The evolution of the meaning “spy” is worth considering for a moment, provided it be understood that this is very doubtful ground, and that any dogmatism is out of place. The _Shuo Wên_ defines 閒 as 隟 (the old form of 隙) “a crack” or “chink,” and on the whole we may accept 徐鍇 Hsü Ch‘ieh’s analysis as not unduly fanciful: 夫門夜閉閉而見月光是有閒隟也 “At night, a _door_ is shut; if, when it is shut, the light of the _moon_ is visible, it must come through a _chink_.” From this it is an easy step to the meaning “space between,” or simply “between,” as for example in the phrase 往來閒諜 “to act as a secret spy between enemies.” Here 諜 is the word which means “spy;” but we may suppose that constant association so affected the original force of 閒, that 諜 could at last be dropped altogether, leaving 閒 to stand alone with the same signification. Another possible theory is that the word may first have come to mean 覗 “to peep” (see 博雅, quoted in _K‘ang Hsi_) which would naturally be suggested by “crack” or “crevice,” and afterwards the man who peeps, or spy.
1. 孫子曰凡興師十萬出兵千里百姓之費公家之奉日費千金內外騷動怠於道路不得操事者 七十萬家 Sun Tzŭ said: Raising a host of a hundred thousand men and marching them great distances entails heavy loss on the people and a drain on the resources of the State. The daily expenditure will amount to a thousand ounces of silver.
There will be commotion at home and abroad, and men will drop down exhausted on the highways.
怠於道路, which is omitted by the _Yü Lan_, appears at first sight to be explained by the words immediately following, so that the obvious translation would be “(enforced) idleness along the line of march.” [Cf. _Tao Tê Ching_, ch. 30: 師之所處荆棘生焉 “Where troops have been quartered, brambles and thorns spring up.”] The commentators, however, say that 怠 is here equivalent to 疲—a meaning which is still retained in the phrase 倦怠. Tu Mu refers 怠 to those who are engaged in conveying provisions to the army. But this can hardly be said to emerge clearly from Sun Tzŭ’s text.
Chang Yü has the note: “We may be reminded of the saying: ‘On serious ground, gather in plunder’ [XI. § 13]. Why then should carriage and transportation cause exhaustion on the highways?—The answer is, that not victuals alone, but all sorts of munitions of war have to be conveyed to the army. Besides, the injunction to ‘forage on the enemy’ only means that when an army is deeply engaged in hostile territory, scarcity of food must be provided against. Hence, without being solely dependent on the enemy for corn, we must forage in order that there may be an uninterrupted flow of supplies. Then, again, there are places like salt deserts (磧鹵之地), where provisions being unobtainable, supplies from home cannot be dispensed with.”
As many as seven hundred thousand families will be impeded in their labour.
Mei Yao-ch‘ên says: 廢於耒耜 “Men will be lacking at the plough-tail.” The allusion is to 井田 the system of dividing land into nine parts, as shown in the character 井, each consisting of a 夫 or 頃 (about 15 acres), the plot in the centre being cultivated on behalf of the State by the tenants of the other eight. It was here also, so Tu Mu tells us, that their cottages were built and a well sunk, to be used by all in common. [See II.
§ 12, note.] These groups of eight peasant proprietors were called 鄰. In time of war, one of the families had to serve in the army, while the other seven contributed to its support (一家從軍七家奉弓).
Thus, by a levy of 100,000 men (reckoning one able-bodied soldier to each family) the husbandry of 700,000 families would be affected.
2. 相守數年以爭一日之勝而愛爵祿百金不知敵之情者不仁之至也 Hostile armies may face each other for years, striving for the victory which is decided in a single day. This being so, to remain in ignorance of the enemy’s condition simply because one grudges the outlay of a hundred ounces of silver in honours and emoluments, “For spies” is of course the meaning, though it would spoil the effect of this curiously elaborate exordium if spies were actually mentioned at this point.
is the height of inhumanity.
Sun Tzŭ’s argument is certainly ingenious. He begins by adverting to the frightful misery and vast expenditure of blood and treasure which war always brings in its train. Now, unless you are kept informed of the enemy’s condition, and are ready to strike at the right moment, a war may drag on for years. The only way to get this information is to employ spies, and it is impossible to obtain trustworthy spies unless they are properly paid for their services. But it is surely false economy to grudge a comparatively trifling amount for this purpose, when every day that the war lasts eats up an incalculably greater sum. This grievous burden falls on the shoulders of the poor, and hence Sun Tzŭ concludes that to neglect the use of spies is nothing less than a crime against humanity.
3. 非人之將也非主之佐也非勝之主也 One who acts thus is no leader of men, no present help to his sovereign, An inferior reading for 主 is 仁, thus explained by Mei Yao-ch‘ên: 非以仁佐國者也.
no master of victory.
This idea, that the true object of war is peace, has its root in the national temperament of the Chinese. Even so far back as 597 B.C., these memorable words were uttered by Prince 莊 Chuang of the character for ‘prowess’ (武) is made up of 止 ‘to stay’ and 戈 ‘a spear’ (cessation of hostilities). Military prowess is seen in the repression of cruelty, the calling in of weapons, the preservation of the appointment of Heaven, the firm establishment of merit, the bestowal of happiness on the people, putting harmony between the princes, the diffusion of wealth.” [_Tso Chuan_, 宣公 XII. 3 _ad fin._] 4. 故明君賢將所以動而勝人成功出於衆者先知也 Thus, what enables the wise sovereign and the good general to strike and conquer, and achieve things beyond the reach of ordinary men, is _foreknowledge_.
That is, knowledge of the enemy’s dispositions, and what he means to do.
5. 先知者不可取於鬼神不可象於事不可驗於度 Now this foreknowledge cannot be elicited from spirits; 以禱祀 “by prayers or sacrifices,” says Chang Yü. 鬼 are the disembodied spirits of men, and 神 supernatural beings or “gods.”
it cannot be obtained inductively from experience, Tu Mu’s note makes the meaning clear: 象, he says, is the same as 類 reasoning by analogy; 不可以他事比類而求 “[knowledge of the enemy] cannot be gained by reasoning from other analogous cases.”
nor by any deductive calculation.
Li Ch‘üan says: 夫長短闊狹遠近小大卽可驗之於度數人之情僞度不能知也 “Quantities like length, breadth, distance and magnitude, are susceptible of exact mathematical determination; human actions cannot be so calculated.”
6. 必取於人知敵之情者也 Knowledge of the enemy’s dispositions can only be obtained from other men.
Mei Yao-ch‘ên has rather an interesting note: 鬼神之情可以筮卜知形氣之 物可以象類求天地之理可以度數驗唯敵之情必由間者而後知也 “Knowledge of the spirit-world is to be obtained by divination; information in natural science may be sought by inductive reasoning; the laws of the universe can be verified by mathematical calculation: but the dispositions of an enemy are ascertainable through spies and spies alone.”
7. 故用間有五有鄉間有內間有反間有死間有生間 Hence the use of spies, of whom there are five classes: (1) Local spies; (2) inward spies; (3) converted spies; (4) doomed spies; (5) surviving spies.
8. 五間俱起莫知其道是謂神紀人君之寳也 When these five kinds of spy are all at work, none can discover the secret system.
道 is explained by Tu Mu as 其情泄形露之道 “the way in which facts leak out and dispositions are revealed.”
This is called 爲 is the reading of the standard text, but the _T‘ung Tien_, _Yü “divine manipulation of the threads.”
Capt. Calthrop translates 神紀 “the Mysterious Thread,” but Mei Yao-ch‘ên’s paraphrase 神妙之綱紀 shows that what is meant is the _control_ of a number of threads.
It is the sovereign’s most precious faculty.
“Cromwell, one of the greatest and most practical of all cavalry leaders, had officers styled ‘scout masters,’ whose business it was to collect all possible information regarding the enemy, through scouts and spies, etc., and much of his success in war was traceable to the previous knowledge of the enemy’s moves thus gained.”[184] 9. 鄉間者因其鄉人而用之 鄉間 is the emended reading of Chia Lin and the _T‘u Shu_ for the unintelligible 因間, here and in § 7, of the standard text, which nevertheless reads 鄉間 in § 22.
means employing the services of the inhabitants of a district.
Tu Mu says: “In the enemy’s country, win people over by kind treatment, and use them as spies.”