befitted a King; came with soldiers to a place called Abaton, where was then the golden temple of the ^Ethiopians; killed all the priests, abolished the custom, and rectified the kingdom according to his will."
B. Though they that were killed were damnable impostors, yet the act was cruel.
A. It was so. But were not the priests cruel, to cause their Kings, whom a little before they adored as Gods, to make away themselves? The King killed them, for the safety of his person; they him, out of ambition, or love of change. The King's act may be coloured with the good of his people; the priests had no pretence against their kings, who were certainly very godly, or else would never have Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 95 obeyed the command of the priests by a messenger unarmed, to kill themselves. Our late King, the best King perhaps that ever was, you know, was murdered, having been first persecuted by war, at the incitement of Presbyterian minis- ters; who are therefore guilty of the death of all that fell in that war; which were, I believe, in England, Scotland, and Ireland, near 100,000 persons. Had it not been much better that those seditious ministers, which were not perhaps 1000, had been all killed before they had preached? It had been (I confess) a great massacre; but the killing of 100,000 is a greater.
B. I am glad the bishops were out at this business. As ambitious as some say they are, it did not appear in that business, for they were enemies to them that were in it. *[Though they pretended a divine right (not depending upon the King's leave) to the government of the Church, yet being but few in number, and not much in favour with the people, how could they choose but be (on the King's side?)]* A. I intend not by these quotations to commend either the divinity or the philosophy of those heathen people; but to show only what the reputation of those sciences can effect among the people. For their divinity was nothing but idolatry; and their philosophy (excepting the knowledge which the Egyptian priests, and from them the Chaldeans, had gotten by long observation and study in astronomy, geometry, and arithmetic), very little; and that in great part abused in astrology and fortune-telling. Whereas the divinity of the clergy in this nation, considered apart from the mixture (that has been introduced by the Church of Rome, and in part retained here) of the babbling philo- sophy of Aristotle and other Greeks, that has no affinity with religion, and serves only to breed disaffection, dissen- sion, and finally sedition and civil war (as we have lately found by dear experience in the differences between the Presbyterians and Episcopals), is the true religion. But for these differences both parties, as they came into power, not only suppressed the tenets of one another, but also whatso- 96 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
ever doctrine looked with an ill aspect upon their interest; and consequently all true philosophy, especially civil and moral, which can never appear propitious to ambition, or to an exemption from their obedience due to the sovereign power. *[That reputation they have in the sciences, hath not proceeded from anything they have effected by those sciences, but from the infirmity of the people that understand nothing in them, and admire nothing but what they understand not. There was lately erected a company of gentlemen for the promoting of natural philosophy and mathematics. What they will produce, I know not yet, but this I am sure of, that the authority of licensing the books that are to be written of that subject, is not in them, but in some divines, who have little knowledge in physics, and none at all in mathematics.]* After the King had accused the Lord Kimbolton, a mem- ber of the Lords' house; and Hollis, Haslerigg, Hampden, Pym, and Stroud, five members of the Lower House, of high-treason; and after the Parliament had voted out the bishops from the House of Peers; they pursued especially wo things in their petitions to his Majesty: the one was, that the King would declare who were the persons that advised him to go, as he did, to the Parliament-house to apprehend them, and that he would leave them to the Par- liament to receive condign punishment. And this they did, to stick upon his Majesty the dishonour of deserting his friends, and betraying them to his enemies. The other was, that he would allow them a guard out of the city of London, to be commanded by the Earl of Essex; for which they pretended, they could not else sit in safety; which pretence was nothing but an upbraiding of his Majesty for coming to Parliament better accompanied than ordinary, to seize the five seditious members.
B. I see no reason *why* in petitioning for a guard, they should determine it to the city of London in particular, and the command by name to the Earl of Essex, unless they meant the King should understand it for a guard against himself.
Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 97 A. Their meaning was, that the King should understand it so, and (as I verily believe) they meant he should take it for an affront; and the King himself understanding it so, denied to grant it, though he were willing, if they could not otherwise be satisfied, to command such a guard to wait upon them as he would be responsible for to God Almighty. Besides this, the city of London petitioned the King (put upon it, no doubt, by some members of the Lower House) to put the Tower of London into the hands of persons of trust, meaning such as the Parliament should approve of, and to appoint a guard for the safety of his Majesty and the Parliament. This method of bringing petitions in tumul- tuary manner, by great multitudes of clamorous people, was ordinary with the House of Commons, whose ambition could never have been served by way of prayer and request, without extraordinary terror.
After the King had waived the prosecution of the five members, but denied to make known who had advised him to come in person to the House of Commons, they questioned the Attorney- General, who by the King's command had exhibited the articles against them, and voted him a breaker of the privilege of Parliament; and no doubt had made him feel their cruelty, if he had not speedily fled the land.
About the end of January, they made an order of both Houses of Parliament, to prevent the going over of popish commanders into Ireland; not so much fearing that, as that by this occasion the King himself choosing his com- manders for that service, might aid himself out of Ireland against the Parliament. But this was no great matter, in respect of a petition they sent his Majesty about the same time, that is to say, about the 27 th or 28th of January, 1 64 1, wherein they desired in effect the absolute sovereignty of England; though by the name of sovereignty they chal- lenged it not whilst the King was living. For to the end that the fears and dangers in this kingdom might be re- moved, and the mischievous designs of those who are ene- mies to the peace of it might be prevented, they pray: that 98 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
his Majesty would be pleased to put forthwith, first, the Tower of London, secondly, all other forts, thirdly, the whole militia of the kingdom, into the hands of such persons as should be recommended to him by both the Houses of Parliament. And this they style a necessary petition.
B. Were there really any such fears and dangers generally conceived here, or did there appear any enemies at that time with such designs as are mentioned in the petition?
A. Yes. But no other fear of danger, than such as any discreet and honest man might justly have of the designs of the Parliament itself, who were the greatest enemies to the peace of the kingdom that could possibly be. It is also worth observing, that this petition began with these words, "Most gracious Sovereign": so stupid they were as not to know, that he that is master of the militia, is master of the kingdom, and consequently is in possession of a most abso- lute sovereignty. The King was now at Windsor, to avoid the tumults of the common people before the gates of Whitehall, together with their clamours and affronts there. The 9th of February after, he came to Hampton Court, and thence he went to Dover with the Queen, and the Princess of Orange, his daughter; where the Queen with the Princess of Orange embarked for Holland, but the King returned to Greenwich, whence he -sent for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, and so went with them to- wards York.
B. Did the Lords join with the Commons in this petition for the militia?
A. It appears so by the title; but I believe they durst not but do it. The House of Commons took them but for a cypher; men of title only, without real power. Perhaps also the most of them thought, that the taking of the militia from the King would be an addition to their own power; but they were very much mistaken, for the House of Com- mons never intended them sharers in it.
B. What answer made the King to this petition?
A. "That when he shall know the extent of power which is Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 99 intended to be established in those persons, whom they desire to be the commanders of the militia in the several counties; and likewise to what time it shall be limited, that no power shall be executed by his Majesty alone without the advice of Parlia- ment; then he will declare, that {for the securing them from all dangers or jealousies) his Majesty will be content to put into all the places, both of forts and militia in the several counties, such persons as both the Houses of Parliament shall either approve, or recommend unto him; so that they declare before unto his Majesty the names of the persons whom they approve or recommend, unless such persons shall be named, against whom he shall have just and unquestionable exceptions'' B. What power, for what time, and to whom, did the Parliament require, 1 concerning the militia?
A. The same power which the King had placed before 2 in his lieutenants and deputy-lieutenants, in the several coun- ties, and without other limitation of time but their own pleasure.
B. Who were the men that should have this power? 3 A. There is a catalogue of them printed. They are very many, and most of them lords; nor is it necessary to have them named; for to name them is (in my opinion) to brand them with the mark of disloyalty or of folly. When they had made a catalogue of them, they sent it to the King, with a new petition for the militia. Also presently after, they sent a message to his Majesty, praying him to leave the Prince at Hampton Court; but the King granted neither.
B. Howsoever, it was wisely done * of them to get host- ages (if they could) of the King, before he went from them.
A. In the meantime, to raise money for the reducing of Ireland, the Parliament invited men to bring in money by way of adventure, according to these propositions. 1. That two millions and five hundred thousand acres of land in ' did the Parliament grant. 2 which the King had before planted. 3 the men that had this power? 4 it was well done.
BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
Ireland, should be assigned to the adventurers, in this pro- portion: For an adventure of 200/. 1,000 acres in Ulster.
300/. 1,000 acres in Connaught. 450/. 1,000 acres in Munster, 600/. 1,000 acres in Leinster. All according to English measure, and consisting of meadow, arable, and profitable pasture; bogs, woods, and barren mountains being cast in over and above. 2. A revenue was reserved to the Crown, from one penny to three-pence on every acre. 3. That commissions should be sent by the Parliament, to erect manors, settle wastes and com- mons, maintain preaching ministers, to create corporations, and to regulate plantations. The rest of the propositions concern only the times and manner of payment of the sums subscribed by the adventurers. And to these propositions his Majesty assented; but to the petition of the militia, his Majesty denied his assent.
B. If he had net, I should have thought it a great won- der. What did the Parliament after this?
A. They sent him another petition, which was pre- sented to him when he was at Theobald's, in his way to York; wherein they tell him plainly, that unless he be pleased to assure them by those messengers then sent, that he would speedily apply his royal assent to the satisfaction of their former desires, they shall be enforced, for the safety of his Majesty and his kingdoms, to dispose of the mititia by the authority of both Houses, &*c. They petition his Majesty also to let the Prince stay at St. James's, or some other of his Majesty's houses near London. They tell him also, that the power of raising, ordering, and disposing of the militia, cannot be granted to any corporation, without the authority and con- sent of the Parliament; and that those parts of the king- dom, which have put themselves into a posture of defence, have done nothing therein but by direction of both Houses, and what is justifiable by the laws of this kingdom.
B. What answer made the King to this?
Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. loi *A. He gave them a flat denial, not only of the militia, but also of the Prince's residence about London. After which they presently fell to voting as followeth: first, That this his Majesty's answer was a denial of the militia. 2, That those that advised his Majesty to it were enemies to the State. 3. That such parts of this kingdom, as had put themselves into a posture of defence, had done nothing but what was justifiable. B. What is it which they called a posture of defence?* A. It was a putting of themselves into arms, and under officers such as the Parliament should approve of. 4. They vote that his Majesty should be again desired that the Prince might continue about London. Lastly, they vote a declaration to be sent to his Majesty by both the Houses; wherein they accuse his Majesty of a design of altering religion, though not directly him, but them that counselled him; whom they also accused of being the inviters and fomenters of the Scotch war, and framers of the rebellion in Ireland; and upbraid the King again for accusing the Lord Kimbolton and the five members, and of being privy to the purpose of bringing up his army, which was raised against the Scots, to be employed against the Parliament. To which his Majesty sent his answer from Newmarket. Where- upon it was resolved by both Houses, that in this case of extreme danger and of his Majesty's refusal, the ordinance agreed upon by both Houses for the militia doth oblige the people by the fundamental laws of this kingdom; and also, that whosoever shall execute any power over the militia, by colour of any commission of lieutenancy, without consent of both Houses of Parliament, shall be accounted a disturber of the peace of the kingdom; Whereupon his Majesty sent a message to both Houses from Huntingdon, requiring obedience to the laws established, and prohibiting all sub- jects, upon pretence of their ordinance, to execute anything concerning the militia which is not by those laws warranted. Upon this, the Parliament vote a standing to their former votes; as also, that when the Lords and Commons in Par- 102 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
liament, which is the supreme court of judicature in the kingdom, shall declare what the law of the land is, to have this not only questioned, but contradicted, is a high breach of the privilege of Parliament B. I thought that he that makes the law, ought to declare what the law is. For what is it else to make a law, but to declare what it is? So that they have taken from the King, not only the militia, but also the legislative power.
A. They have so; but I make account that the legislative power (and indeed all power possible) is contained in the power of the militia. After this, they seize such money as was due to his Majesty upon the bill of tonnage and pound- age, and upon the bill of subsidies, that they might disable him every way they possibly could. They sent him also many other contumelious messages and petitions after his coming to York; amongst which one was: " That whereas the Lord Admiral, by indisposition of body, could not command the fleet in person, he would be pleased to give authority to the Earl of Warwick to supply his place; " when they knew the King had put Sir John Pennington into *that employment* before. 1 B. To what end did the King entertain so many petitions, messages, declarations and remonstrances, and vouchsafe his answers to them, when he could not choose but clearly see they were resolved to take from him his royal power, and consequently his life? For it could not stand with their safety to let either him or his issue live, after they had done him so great injuries.
A. Besides this, the Parliament had at the same time a committee residing in York *both* to spy what his Majesty did, and to inform the Parliament thereof, and also to hinder the King from gaining the people of that county to his party: so that when his Majesty was courting the gentlemen there, the committee was instigating of the yeomanry against him. To which also the ministers did very much contribute; so that the King lost his opportunity at York. ' Pennington in it before.
Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 103 B. Why did not the King seize the committee into his ■ hands, or drive them out of the town?
A. I know not; but I believe he knew the Parliament had a greater party than he, not only in Yorkshire but also in York. Towards the end of April, the King, upon petition of the people of Yorkshire to have the magazine of Hull to remain still there, for the greater security of the northern parts, thought fit to take it into his own hands. He had a little before appointed governor of that town the Earl of Newcastle; but the townsmen, having been already cor- rupted by the Parliament, refused to receive him, but refused not to receive Sir John Hotham, appointed to be governor *there* by the Parliament The King therefore coming before the town, guarded only by his own servants, and a few gentlemen of the country thereabouts, was denied entrance by Sir John Hotham, that stood upon the wall; for which act he presently caused Sir John Hotham to be proclaimed traitor, and sent a message to the Parliament, requiring justice to be done upon the said Hotham, and that the town and magazine might be delivered into his hands. To which the Parliament made no answer, but instead thereof published another declaration, in which they omitted nothing of their former slanders against his Majesty's government, but inserted certain propositions declarative of their own pretended right: viz. 1. That whatsoever they declare to be law, ought not to be questioned by the King: 2. That no precedents can be limits to bound their proceedings: 3. That a Parliament, for the public good, may dispose of anything wherein the King or subject hath a right; and that they, without the King, are this Parliament, and the judge of this public good, and that the King's consent is not necessary: 4. That no member of either House ough,t to be troubled for treason, felony, or any other crime, unless the cause be first brought before the Parliament, that they may judge of the fact and give leave to proceed, if they see cause: 5. That the sovereign power resides in both Houses, and that the King ought to have no negative voice: 104 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
6. That the levying of forces against the personal commands of the King (though accompanied with his presence) is not levying war against the King, but the levying of war against *his politic person,* viz., his laws, &c, though not *accompanied with* his person, is levying war against the King: 7. That treason cannot be committed against his person, otherwise than as he is entrusted with the kingdom and discharges that trust; and that they have a power to judge whether he *have* discharged this trust or not: 8. That they may dispose of the King when they will.
B. This is plain dealing and without hypocrisy. Could the city of London swallow this?
A. Yes; and more too, if need be. London, you know, has a great belly, but no palate nor taste of right and wrong. In the Parliament-roll of Henry IV., amongst the articles of the oath the King at his coronation took, there is one runs thus: Concedes justas leges et consuetudines esse tenendas; et promittis per te eas esse protegendas, et ad honorem Dei corro- borandas, quas vulgus elegerit. Which the Parliament urged for their legislative authority, and therefore interpret quas vulgus elegerit, which the people shall choose; as if the King should swear to protect and corroborate laws before they were made, whether they be good or bad; whereas the word signifies no more, but that he shall protect and corroborate such laws as they have chosen, that is to say, the Acts of Parliament then in being. And in the records of the Exchequer it is thus: " Will you grant to hold and keep the laws and rightful customs which the commonalty of this your kingdom, have, and will you defend and uphold them? &°c." And this was the answer his Majesty made to that point.
B. And I think this answer very full and clear. But if the words were to be interpreted in the other sense, yet I see no reason why the King should be bound to swear to them. For Henry IV. came to the Crown by the votes of a Parliament not much inferior in wickedness to this Long Parliament, that deposed and murdered their lawful King; Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 105 saving that it was not the Parliament itself, but the usurper i.Iia.1 murdered King Richard II.
A. About a week after, in the beginning of May, the Par- liament sent the King another paper, which they styled the humble petition and advice of both Houses, containing nineteen propositions; which, when you shall hear, you will be able to judge what power they meant to leave to the King, more than to any one of his subjects. The first of them is this: 1. That the Lords and others of his Majesty's privy- council, and all great officers *and ministers* of state, both at home and abroad, be put from their employments and from his council, save only such as should be approved of by both Houses of Parliament; and none put into their places but by approbation of the said Houses. And that all privy- councillors take an oath for the due execution of their places, in such form as shall be agreed upon by the said Houses.
2. That the great affairs of the kingdom be debated, resolved, and transacted only in Parliament; and such as shall presume to do anything to the contrary, be reserved to the censure of the Parliament; and such other matters of state, as are proper for his Majesty's privy-council, shall be debated and concluded, by such as shall from time to time be chosen for that place by both Houses of Parliament; and that no public act concerning the affairs of the kingdom, which are proper for his privy-council, be esteemed valid, as proceeding from the royal authority, unless it be done by the advice and consent of_ the major part of the council, attested under their hands; and that the council be not more than twenty-five, nor less than fifteen; and that when a councillor's place falls void in the interval of Parliament, it shall not be supplied without the assent of the major part of the council; and that such choice also shall be void, if the next Parliament after confirm it not.
3. That the Lord High Steward of England, Lord High Constable, Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper of the Great io6 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
Seal, Lord Treasurer, Lord Privy-Seal, Earl Marshal, Lord Admiral, Warden of the Cinque Ports, Chief Governor of Ireland, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Master of the Wards, Secretaries of State, two Chief Justices and Chief Baron, be always chosen with approbation of both Houses of Par-, liament; and in the intervals of Parliaments by the major part of the privy-council.
4. That the governors of the King's children shall be such as both Houses shall approve of; and in the intervals of Parliament, such as the privy-council shall approve of; that the servants then about them, against whom the Houses have just exception, shall be removed.
5. That no marriage be concluded or treated of for any of the King's children, without consent of Parliament 6. That the laws in force against Jesuits, priests, and popish recusants, be strictly put in execution.
7. That the votes of Popish lords in the House of Peers be taken away, and that a bill be passed for the education of the children of Papists in the Protestant religion.
8. That the King will be pleased to reform the Church- government and liturgy in such manner as both Houses of Parliament shall advise.
9. That he would be pleased to rest satisfied with that course that the Lords and Commons have appointed for ordering the militia; and recall his declarations and procla- mations against it.
10. That such members as have been put out of any place or office since this Parliament began, may be restored, or have satisfaction.
11. That all privy-councillors and judges take an oath (the form whereof shall be agreed on and settled by act of Parliament), for the maintaining of the Petition of Right, and of certain statutes made by this Parliament.
12. That all the judges and officers placed by approbation of both Houses of Parliament, may hold their places quam diu bene se gesserint.
13. That the justice of Parliament may pass upon all Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 107 delinquents, whether they be within the kingdom or fled out of it; and that all persons cited by either House of Parlia- ment, may appear and abide the censure of Parliament.
14. That the general pardon offered by his Majesty, be granted with such exceptions as shall be advised by both Houses of Parliament B. What a spiteful article was this! All the rest proceeded from ambition, which many times well-natured men are subject to; but this proceeded from an inhuman and devilish cruelty.
A. 15. That the forts and castles be put under the com- mand of such persons as, with the approbation of the Par- liament, the King shall appoint.
16. That the extraordinary guards about the King be discharged; and for the future none raised but according to the law, in case of actual rebellion or invasion.
B. Methinks these very propositions sent to the King are an actual rebellion.
A. 1 7. That his Majesty *be pleased to* enter into a more strict alliance with the United Provinces, and other neigh- bour Protestant Princes and States.
18. That his Majesty be pleased, by act of Parliament, to clear the Lord Kimbolton and the five members of the House of Commons, in such manner as that future. Parlia- ments may be secured from the consequence of that evil precedent.
19. That his Majesty be pleased to pass a bill for restrain- ing peers made hereafter, from sitting or voting in Parlia- ment, unless they be admitted with the consent of both Houses of Parliament These propositions granted, they promise to apply them- selves to regulate his Majesty's revenue to his best advantage, and to settle it to the support of his royal dignity in honour and plenty; and also to put the town of Hull into such hands as his Majesty shall appoint with consent of Parlia- ment.
B. Is not that to put it into such hands as his Majesty io8 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2 shall appoint by the consent of the petitioners, which is no more than to keep it in their hands as it is? Did they want, or think the King wanted, common sense, so as not to per- ceive that their promise herein was worth nothing?
A. After the sending of these propositions to the King, and his Majesty's refusal to grant them, they began, on both sides, to prepare for war. The King raising a guard for his person in Yorkshire; and the Parliament, thereupon having voted that the King intended to make war upon his Parlia- ment, gave order for the mustering and exercising the people in arms, and published propositions to invite and encourage them to bring in either ready money or plate, or to promise under their hands to furnish and maintain certain numbers of horse, horsemen, and arms, for the defence of the King and Parliament (meaning by King, as they had formerly declared, not his person, but his laws); promising to repay their money with interest of 8/. in the 100/. and the value of their plate with twelve-pence the ounce for the fashion. On the other side, the King came to Nottingham, and there did set up his standard royal, and sent out commissions of array to call those to him, which by the ancient laws of England were bound to serve him in the wars. Upon this occasion there passed divers declarations between the King and Par- liament concerning the legality of this array, which are too long to tell you at this time.
B. Nor do I desire to hear any mooting about this question. For I think that general law of salus populi, and the right of defending himself against those that had taken from him the sovereign power, are sufficient to make legal whatsoever he should do in order to the recovery of his kingdom, or to the punishing of the rebels.
A. In the meantime the Parliament raised an army, and made the Earl of Essex general thereof; by which act they declared what they meant formerly, when they petitioned the King for a guard to be commanded by the said Earl of Essex. And now the King sends out his proclamations, forbidding obedience to the orders of the Parliament con- Dialogues. BEHEMOTH. 109 earning the militia; and the Parliament send out orders against the execution of the commissions of array. Hitherto, though it were a war before, yet there was no blood shed; they shot at one another nothing but paper.
B. 1 understand now, how the Parliament destroyed the peace of the kingdom; and how easily, by the help of seditious Presbyterian ministers, and of ambitious ignorant orators, they reduced this government into anarchy. But I believe it will be a harder task for them to bring in peace again, and settle the government, either in themselves, or in any other governor, or form of government. For, granting that they obtained the victory in this war, they must be beholding for it to the valour, good conduct, or felicity of those to whom they give the command of their armies; especially to the general, whose good success will, without doubt, draw with it the love and admiration of the soldiers; so that it will be in his power, either to take the government upon himself, or to place it where he himself thinks good. In which case, if he take it not to himself, he will be thought a fool; and if he do, he shall be sure to have the envy of his subordinate commanders, who *will* look for a share either in the present government, or in the succession to it. For they will say: " Has he obtained this power by his own, without our danger, valour, and counsel? and must we be his slaves, whom we have thus raised? Or, is not there as much justice on our side against him, as was on his side against the King?"