As for military actions (to begin at the head-quarters) Prince Rupert took Birmingham, a garrison of the Parlia- ment's. In July after, the King's forces had a great victory over the Parliament's, near Devizes on Roundway-Down, where they took 2,000 prisoners, four brass pieces of ord- nance, twenty-eight colours, and all their baggage; and shortly after, Bristol was surrendered to Prince Rupert for the King; and the King himself marching into the 1 Forces from Holland.
126 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
west, took from the Parliament many other considerable places.
But this good fortune was not a little allayed by his be- sieging of Gloucester, which, after it was reduced to the last gasp, was relieved by the Earl of Essex; whose army was before greatly wasted, but now suddenly recruited with the trained bands and apprentices of London.
B. It seems, not only by this, but also by many examples in history, that there can hardly arise a long or dangerous rebellion, that has not some such overgrown city, with an army or two in its belly to foment it.
A. Nay more; those great capital cities, when rebellion is upon pretence of grievances, must needs be of the rebel party: because the grievances are but taxes, to which citizens, that is, merchants, whose profession is their private gain, are naturally mortal enemies; their only glory being to grow excessively rich by the wisdom of buying and selling.
B. But they are said to be of all callings the most bene- ficial to the commonwealth, by setting the poorer sort of people on work.
A. That is to say, by making poor people sell their labour to them at their own prices; so that poor people, for the most part, might get a better living by working in Bridewell, than by spinning, weaving, and other such labour as they can do; saving that by working slightly they may help themselves a little, to the disgrace of our manufacture. And as most commonly they are the first encouragers of rebellion, presuming of their own strength; so also are they, for the most part, the first to repent, deceived by them that com- mand their strength.
But to return to the war; though the King withdrew from Gloucester, yet it was not to fly from, but to fight with the Earl of Essex, which presently after he did at Newbury, where the battle was bloody, and the King had not the worst, unless Cirencester be put into the scale, which the Earl of Essex had in his way a few days before surprised.
But in the north and the west, the King had much the Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 127 better of the Parliament. For in the north, at the very beginning of the year, March 29th, the Earls of Newcastle and Cumberland defeated the Lord Fairfax (who commanded in those parts for the Parliament) at Bramham Moor; which made the Parliament to hasten the assistance of the Scots.
In June following the Earl of Newcastle routed Sir Thomas Fairfax (son to the Lord Fairfax) upon Adderton Heath; and, in pursuit of them to Bradford, took and killed 2,000 men; and the next day took the town and 2,000 pri- soners more (Sir Thomas himself hardly escaping), with all their arms and ammunition; and besides this, made the Lord Fairfax quit Halifax and Beverley. Lastly, Prince Rupert relieved Newark, besieged by Sir John Meldrun (for the Parliament) with 7,000 men; whereof 1,000 were slain, the rest upon articles departed, leaving behind them their arms, bag and baggage.
To balance (in part) this success, the Earl of Manchester whose lieutenant-general was Oliver Cromwell, got a victory over the royalists near Horncastle, of whom he slew 400 took 800 prisoners and 1,000 arms; and presently after took and plundered the city of Lincoln.
In the West (May the 16th) Sir Raph Hopton at Strat- ton, in Devonshire, had a victory over the Parliamentarians, wherein he took 1,700 prisoners, thirteen pieces of brass ordnance, and all their ammunition, which was seventy barrels of powder, and the magazine of their other provi- sions in the town.
Again at Lansdown, between Sir Raph Hopton and the Parliamentarians under Sir William Waller, was fought a fierce battle, wherein the victory was not very clear on either side; saving that the Parliamentarians might seem to have the better, because presently after Sir William Waller fol- lowed Sir Raph Hopton to Devizes, in Wiltshire, though to his cost; for there he was overthrown, as I have already told you.
After this the King in person marched into the West, and took Exeter, Dorchester, Barnstable, and divers other places; and had he not at his return besieged Gloucester, and thereby given the Parliament time for new levies, it was thought by many he might have routed the House of Commons. — But the end of this year was more favourable to the Parliament. For in January the Scots entered Eng- land, and, March the 1st, crossed the Tyne; and whilst the Earl of Newcastle was marching to them, Sir Thomas Fairfax gathered together a considerable party in Yorkshire, and the Earl of Manchester from Lyn advanced towards York; so that the Earl of Newcastle having two armies of the rebels, *one* behind him, and another before him, was forced to retreat to York; where *(the Earl of Manchester joining)* 1 three armies presently besieged him. And these are all the considerable military actions of the year 1643.
In the same year the Parliament caused to be made a new Great Seal. The Lord Keeper had carried the former seal to Oxford. Hereupon the King sent a messenger to the judges at Westminster, to forbid them to make use of it. This messenger was taken, and condemned at a council of war, and hanged for a spy.
B. Is that the law of war?
A. I know not: but it seems, when a soldier comes into the enemies' quarters, without address or notice given to the chief commander, that it is presumed he comes as a spy. The same year, when certain gentlemen at London received a commission of array from the King to levy men for his service in that city, being discovered, they were condemned, and some of them executed. This case is not much unlike the former.
B. Was not the making of a new Great Seal a sufficient proof that the war was raised, not to remove evil counsellors from the King, but to remove the King himself from the government? What hope then could there be had in messages and treaties?
A. The entrance of the Scots was a thing unexpected to 1 Which those three armies joining presently besieged — corr. H.
Dialogue?,. BEHEMOTH. 129 the King, who was made to believe by continual letters from his commissioner in Scotland, Duke Hamilton, that the Scots never intended any invasion. The Duke being then at Oxford, the King (assured that the Scotch were now entered) sent him prisoner to Pendennis Castle in Cornwall.
In the beginning of the year 1644, the Earl of Newcastle being (as I told you) besieged *in York* by the joint forces of the Scots, the Earl of Manchester and Sir Thomas Fairfax, the King sent Prince Rupert to relieve the town, and as soon as he could to give the enemy battle. Prince Rupert passing through Lancashire, and by the way having stormed the seditious town of Bolton, and taken in Stopford and Liver- pool, came to York July the 1st, and relieved it; the enemy being risen thence to a place called Marston Moor, about four miles off; and there was fought that unfortunate battle, which lost the King in a manner all the north. Prince Rupert returned the way he came, and the Earl of Newcastle to York, and thence with some of his officers over the sea to Hamburgh.
The honour of this victory was attributed chiefly to Oliver Cromwell (the Earl of Manchester's lieutenant-general). The Parliamentarians returned from the field to the siege of York, which not long after, upon honourable articles, was surrendered; not for favour, 1 but because the Parliament employed not much time, nor many men in sieges.
B. This was a great and sudden abatement of the King's prosperity.
A. It was so; but amends were made him for it within five or six weeks after. For Sir William Waller (after the loss of his army at Roundway-Down) had another raised for him by the city of London; who for the payment thereof imposed a weekly tax of the value of one meal's meat upon every citizen. This army, with that of the Earl of Essex, intended to besiege Oxford; which the King understanding, sent the Queen into the west, and marched himself towards 1 not that they were favoured — corr. H. 10 130 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
Worcester. This triads them to divide again, and the Earl to go into the west, and Waller to pursue the King. By this means (as it fell out) both their armies were defeated. For the King turned upon Waller* routed him at Cropredy- bridge, took his train of artillery and many officers; and then presently followed the Earl of Essex into Cornwall,- where he had him at such advantage, that the Earl himself was fain to escape in a small boat to Plymouth; his horse broke through the 1 King's quarters by night; but the infantry were all forced to lay down their arms, and upon condition never more to bear arms against the King, were permitted to depart.
In Octobet following was fought a second and sharp battle at Newbury. For this infantry, making no conscience of the conditions made with the King, being now come towards London as far as Basingstoke, had arms put again into their hands; to whom some of the trained-bands *of London* being added, the Earl of Essex had suddenly so great an army, that he attempted the King again at Newbury; and certainly had the better of the day, but the night parting them, had hot a complete victoryi And it was observed here, that no part of the Earl's army fought so keenly as they who had laid down their arms in Cornwall.
These were the most important fights of the year 1644; and the King was yet (as both himself and others thought) in as good condition as the Parliament, which despaired of victory, by the commanders they then used. Therefore they Voted a new modelling of the army, suspecting the Earl of Essex, though I think wrongfully, to be too much a royalist, for not having done so much as they looked for, in this second battle at Newbury. The Earls of Essex and Man- chester, perceiving what they went about, voluntarily laid down their commissions; and the House of Commons made an ordinance, that no member of either House should enjoy any office or command, military or civil; with which oblique blow they shook off those that had hitherto served them too welL And yet out of this ordinance they excepted Oliver Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH, 131 Cromwell, in whose conduct and valour they had very great confidence (which they would not have done, if they had known him as well then as they did afterwards), and made him lieutenant-general to Sir Thomas Fairfax, their new- made general. In the commission to the Earl of Essex, there was a clause for the preservation of his Majesty's person; which in this new commission was left out; though the Parliament (as well as the general) were as yet Presby- terian.
B. It seems the Presbyterians also (in order to their ends) would fain have had the King murdered.
A. For my part I doubt it not For a rightful king living, an usurping power can never be sufficiently secured.
In this same year the Parliament put to death Sir John Hotham and his son, for having tampered ' with the Earl of Newcastle about the rendition of Hull; and Sir Alexander Carew, for endeavouring to deliver up Plymouth, where he was governor for the Parliament; and the Archbishop of Canterbury, for nothing but to please the Scots; for the general article of going about to subvert the fundamental laws of the land, was no accusation, but only foul words. They then also voted down the Book of Common-prayer, and ordered the use of a Directory, which had been newly composed by an Assembly of Presbyterian ministers. They were also then, with much ado, prevailed with for a treaty with the King at Uxbridge; where they remitted nothing of their former demands. The King had also at this time a Parliament at Oxford, consisting of such discontented members as had left the Houses at Westminster; but few of them had changed their old principles, and there- fore that Parliament was not much worth. Nay rather, because they endeavoured nothing but messages and trea- ties, that is to say, defeating of the soldiers' hope of benefit by the war, they were thought by most men to do the King more hurt than good.
The year 1645 was to the King very unfortunate; for by J for tampering — corrt //• 1 32 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue?,.
the loss of one great battle, he lost all he had formerly gotten, and at length his life. — The new modelled army, after consultation whether they should lay siege to Oxford, or march westward to the relief of Taunton (then besieged by the Lord Goring, and defended by Blake, famous after- wards for his actions at sea), resolved for Taunton; leaving Cromwell to attend the motions of the King, though not strong enough to hinder him. The King upon this advan- tage drew out his forces and artillery out of Oxford. This made the Parliament to call back their general, Fairfax, and order him to besiege Oxford. The King in the meantime relieved Chester, which was besieged by Sir William Brere- ton, and coming back took Leicester by force; a place of great importance, well provided of artillery and provision.
Upon this success it was generally thought that the King's party was the stronger. The King himself thought so; and the Parliament in a manner confessed the same, by com- manding Fairfax to rise from the siege, and endeavour to give the King battle. For the successes of the King, and the divisions and treacheries growing now amongst them- selves, had driven them to rely upon the fortune of one day; in which, at Naseby, the King's army was utterly overthrown, and no hope left him to raise another. Therefore after the battle, with a small party he went up and down, doing the Parliament here and there some shrewd turns, but never much increasing his number.
Fairfax in the meantime first recovered Leicester, and then marching into the west, subdued it all, except only a few places, forcing with much ado my Lord Hopton (upon honourable conditions) to disband his army, and with the Prince of Wales to pass over to Scilly; whence not long after they went to Paris.
In April, 1646, General Fairfax began to march back to Oxford. In the meantime Rainsborough, who besieged Woodstock, had it surrendered. The King therefore, who was now also returned to Oxford, from whence Woodstock is but six miles, not doubting but that he should there by Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH.
Fairfax be besieged, and having no army, to relieve him, resolved to get away disguised to the Scotch army about Newark; and thither he came the 4th of May; and the Scotch army, being upon remove homewards, carried him wrth them to Newcastle, whither he came May 1 3th.
B. Why did the King trust himself with the Scots? They were the first that rebelled. They were Presbyterians, id est, cruel; besides, they were indigent, and consequently might be suspected would sell him to his enemies for money. And lastly, they were too weak to defend him, or keep him in their country.
A. What could he have done better? For he had in the winter before sent to the Parliament to get a pass for the Duke of Richmond and others, to bring them propositions of peace; it was denied. He sent again; it was denied again. Then he desired he might come to them in per- son; this also was denied. He sent again and again to the same purpose; but instead of granting it, they made an ordinance: that the commanders of the militia of London, in case the King should attempt to come within the lines of communication, should raise what force they thought fit to suppress tumults, to apprehend such as came with him, and to secure (id est, to imprison) his person from danger. If the King had adventured to come, and had been imprisoned, what could the Parliament have done with him? They had dethroned him by their votes, and therefore could have no security whilst he lived, though in prison. It may be they would not have put him to death by a high court of justice publicly, but secretly some other way.
B. He should have attempted to get beyond sea.
A. That had been (from Oxford) very difficult. Besides, it was generally believed that the Scotch army had promised him, that not only his Majesty, but also his friends that should come with him, should be in their army safe; not only for their persons, but also for their honours and con- sciences.
*B.* 'Tis a pretty trick, when the army and the particular soldiers of the army are different things, to make the soldiers promise what the army mean not to perform.
*A.* July the nth the Parliament sent their propositions to the King at Newcastle; which propositions they pre- tended to be the only way to a settled and well grounded peace. They were brought by the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Suffolk, Sir Walter Earle, Sir John Hippisley, Mr. Goodwin, and Mr. Robinson; whom the King asked if they had power to treat; and (when they said no) why they might not as well have been sent by a trumpeter. The propositions were the same dethroning ones, which they used to send, and therefore the King would not assent to them. Nor did the Scots swallow them at first, but made some exceptions against them; only, it seems, to make the Parliament perceive they meant not to put the King into their hands gratis. And so at last the bargain was made between them; and upon the payment of 200,000/. the King was put into the hands of the commissioners, which the English Parliament sent down to receive him.
B. What a vile complexion has this action, compounded of feigned religion, and very covetou.sness, cowardice, per- jury, and treachery!
A. Now the war, that seemed to justify many unseemly things, is ended, you will see almost nothing else in these rebels but baseness and falseness besides their folly.
By this time,the Parliament had taken in all the rest of the King's garrisons; whereof the last was Pendennis Castle, whither Duke Hamilton had been sent prisoner by the King.
B. What was done during this time in Ireland and Scotland?
A. In Ireland there had been a peace made by order from his Majesty for a time, which by divisions amongst the Irish was ill kept. The Popish party (the Pope's nuncio being then there) took this to be,the time for de- livering themselves from their subjection to the English. Besides, the time of the peace was now expired.
B. How were they subject to,the English, more than the Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH.
English to the Irish? They were subject to the King of England; but so also were the English to the King of Ireland.
A. This distinction is somewhat too subtile for common understandings. — In Scotland the Marquis of Montrose for the King, with a very few men and miraculous victories, had overrun all Scotland, where many of his forces (out of too much security) were permitted to be absent for awhile; of which the enemy having intelligence, suddenly came upon them, and forced them to fly back into the Highlands to recruit; where he began to recoyer strength, when he was commanded by the King (then in the hands of the Scots at Newcastle) to disband; and *so* he departed from Scotland by sea.
In the end of the same year, 1646, the Parliament caused the King's Great Seal to be broken; also the King was brought to Holmeby, and there kept by the Parliament's commissioners. And here was an end of that war as to England and Scotland, but not to Ireland, About this time also died the Earl of Essex, whom the Parliament had ^formerly* discarded.
B. Now that there was peace in England, and the King in prison, in whom was the soyereign power?
A. The right wag certainly in the King, but the exercise was yet in nobody; but contended for, as in a game at cards, without fighting, all the years 1647 an 4 1648, between the Parliament and Oliver Cromwell, lieutenant-general to Sir Thomas Fairfax.
*£. What cards could Cromwell have for it?
A.* You must know: that when King Henry VIII. aboL ished the pope's, authority here, and took upon him to be the head of this Church, the bishops, as they could not resist him, so neither were they discontented with it. For whereas before the pope allowed not the bishops to claim jurisdiction in their dioceses jure divina, that is, of right immediately from God, but by the gift and authority of the pope, now that the pope was ousted, they made no doubt 136 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
but the divine right was in themselves. After this, the city of Geneva, and divers other places beyond sea, having revolted from the papacy, set up presbyteries for the govern- ment of their several churches. And divers English scholars, that went beyond sea during the persecution in the time of Queen Mary, were much taken with this government, and at their return in the time of Queen Elizabeth, and ever since, have endeavoured, to the great trouble of the Church and nation, to set up that government here, wherein they might domineer and applaud their own wit and learning. And these took upon them not only a Divine right, but also a Divine inspiration. And having been connived at, and countenanced sometimes in their frequent preaching, they introduced many strange and many pernicious doctrines, out-doing the Reformation (as they pretended) both of Luther and Calvin; receding from the former divinity (or church philosophy, for religion is another thing) as much as Luther and Calvin had receded from the pope; and distracted their auditors into a great number of sects, as Brownists, Anabaptists, Independents, Fifth-monarchy-men, Quakers, and divers others, all commonly called by the name of fanatics: insomuch as there was no so dangerous an enemy to the Presbyterians, as this brood of their "own hatching.
These were Cromwell's best cards, whereof he had a very great number in the army, and some in the House, whereof he himself was thought one; though he were nothing cer- tain, but applying himself always to the faction which was strongest, and was of a colour like it.
There were in the army a great number (if not the greatest part) that aimed only at rapine and sharing the lands and goods of their enemies; and these also, upon the opinion they had of Cromwell's valour and conduct, thought they could not any way better arrive at their ends than by ad- hering to him. Lastly, in the Parliament itself, though not the major part, yet a considerable number were fanatics, enough to put in doubts, and cause delay in the resolutions Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 137 of the House, and sometimes also by advantage of a thin House to carry a vote in favour of Cromwell, as they did upon the 26th of July. For whereas on the 4th of May precedent the Parliament had voted that the militia of London should be in the hands of a committee of citizens, whereof the Lord Mayor for the time being should be one; shortly after, the Independents, chancing to be the major part, made an ordinance, by which it was put into hands more favourable to the army.
The best cards the Parliament had, were the city of London and the person of the King. The General, Sir Thomas Fairfax, was right Presbyterian, but in the hands of the army, and the army in the hands of Cromwell; but which party should prevail, depended on the playing of the game. Cromwell protested still obedience and fidelity to the Parliament; but meaning nothing less, bethought him and resolved on a way to excuse himself of all that he should do to the contrary, upon the army. Therefore he and his son-in-law, Commissary-General Ireton, as good at contriving as himself, and at speaking and writing better, contrive how to mutiny the army against the Parliament To this end they *secretly* spread a whisper through the army, that the Parliament, now they had the King, intended to disband them, to cheat them of their arrears, and to send them into Ireland to be destroyed by the Irish. The army being herewith enraged, were taught by Ireton to erect a council amongst themselves of two soldiers out of every troop and every company, to consult for the good of the army, and to assist at the council of war, and to advise for the peace and safety of the kingdom. These were called adjutators; so that whatsoever Cromwell would have to be done, he needed nothing to make them do it, but secretly to put it into the heads of these adjutators. The effect of their first consultation was to take the King from Holmeby, and to bring him to the army.
The general hereupon, by letter to the Parliament, excuses himself and Cromwell, and the body of the army, 138 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
as ignorant of the fact; and that the King came away willingly with those soldiers that brought him: assuring them withal, that the whole army intended nothing but peace, nor opposed Presbytery, nor aifected Independency, nor did hold any licentious freedom in religion.
B. 'Tis strange that Sir Thomas Fairfax could be so abused by Cromwell as to believe this which he himself here writes.
A. I cannot imagine that Cornet Joyce could go out of the army wifh 1,000 soldiers %o fetch the King, and neither the genera}, nor jthe lieutenant-general, nor the body of the army take notice of it. And that the King went *with them* willingly, appears to be false by a message sent on purpose from his Majesty to the Parliament.
B. Here is perfidy upon perfidy: first, the perfidy of the Parliament against the King., and then the perfidy of the army against the Parliament.
A, This was the first trick Cromwell played *fhem,* whereby he thought himself to have gotten so great an advantage, that he said openly, "that he had the Parliament in his pocket; " as indeed he had, and the city too. For upon the news of it they were, both the one and the other, in very great disorder; and the more, because there came with it a rumour that the army was marching up to London.
The King in the meantime, till his residence was settled af Hampton Court, was carried from place to place, not without som,e ostentation; but with much more liberty, and with more respect shown him by far, than when he was in the hands of the Parliament's commissioners; for his own chaplains were allowed hiin, and his children and some friends permitted to.see hjm. Besides that, he was much complimented by Cromwell, who promised him, in a serious and seeming passionate manner, to restore him to his right against the Parliament.
B. How was he sure he could do that?
A. He was not sure; but he was resolved to march up to the city and Parliament, to set up the King again (and Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 139 be the second man), unless in the attempt he found better hope, than yet he had, to make himself the first man, by dispossessing the King.
B. What assistance against the Parliament and the city could Cromwell expect from the King?
A. By declaring directly for him, he might have had all the King's party, which were many more now since his misfortune, than ever they were before. For in the Parlia- ment itself, there were many that had discovered the hypocrisy, and private aims of their fellows: many were converted to their duty by their own natural reason; and their compassion for the King's sufferings had begot generally an indignation against the Parliament: so that if they had been, by the protection of the present army, brought together and embodied, Cromwell might have done whaj: he had pleased, in the first place for the King, and in the second for himself. But it seems he meant first to try what he could do without the King; and if that proved enough, to rid his hands of him.
B. What did the Parliament and city do to oppose the army?
A. First, the Parliament sent to the general to re-deliver the King to their commissioners. Instead of an answer to this, the army sent articles to the Parliament, and with them a charge against eleven of their members, all of therrj active Presbyterians: of which articles jthese are some: 1. That the House may be purged of those, who, by the self-denying ordinance, ought not to be the re; 2. That such as abused and endangered fbe kingdom, might be disabled to do the like hereafter; 3. That a day might be appointed to determine this Parliament; 4. That they w#uld make an account to the kingdom of the vast sums of money they had received; 5. That the elev,en members might presently be suspended sitting in the House. These were the articles that put them to their trumps; and they answered none of them, but that of the suspension of the eleven members, which they said they could no,t <\q by law till the particulars of the.charge MO BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
were produced: but this was soon answered with their own proceeding against the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earl of Strafford.
The Parliament being thus somewhat awed, and the King made somewhat confident, Cromwell undertakes * the city, requiring the Parliament to put the militia of London into other hands.
B. What other hands? I do not well understand you.
A. I told you that the militia of London was, on the 4th of May, put into the hands of the lord-mayor and other citizens, and' soon after put into the hands of other men more favourable to the army. And now I am to tell you, that on July the 26th, the violence of certain apprentices and disbanded soldiers forced the Parliament to re-settle it as it was, in the citizens; and hereupon the two speakers and divers of the members ran away to the army, where they were invited and contented to sit and vote in the council of war in nature of a Parliament. And out of the citizens' hands they would have the militia taken away, and put again into those hands out of which it was taken the 26th of July.
B. What said the city to this?
A. The Londoners manned their works, viz.: the line of communication; raised an army of valiant men within the line; chose good officers, all being desirous to go out and fight whensoever the city should give them order; and in that posture stood expecting the enemy.
The soldiers in the meantime enter into an engagement to live and die with Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Parliament, and the army.
B. That is very fine. They imitate that which the Parlia- ment did, when they first took up arms against the King, styling themselves the King and Parliament, maintaining that the King was always virtually in his Parliament: so the army now, making war against the Parliament, called them- selves the Parliament and the army: but they might, with 1 he undertakes — corr. H.
Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 141 more reason, say, that the Parliament, since it was in Cromwell's pocket, was virtually in the army.
A. Withal they send out a declaration of the grounds of their march towards London; wherein they take upon them to be judges of the Parliament, and of who are fit to be trusted with the business of the kingdom, giving them the name, not of the Parliament, but of the gentlemen at Westminster. For since the violence they were under July the 26th, the army denied them to be a lawful Parliament. At the same time they sent a letter to the mayor and alder- men of London, reproaching them with those late tumults; telling them they were enemies to the peace, treacherous to the Parliament, unable to defend either the Parliament or themselves; and demanded to have the city delivered into their hands, to which purpose, they said, they were now coming to them. The general also sent out his warrants to the counties adjacent, summoning their trained soldiers to join with them.
B. Were the trained soldiers part of the general's army? A. No, nor at all in pay, nor could be without an order of Parliament But what might an army not do, after it had mastered all the laws of the land? The army being come to Hounslow Heath, distant from London but ten miles, the Court of Aldermen was called to consider what to do. The captains and soldiers of the city were willing, and well pro- vided, to go forth and give them battle. But a treacherous officer, that had charge of a work on Southwark side, had let in within the line a small party of the enemies, who marched as far as to the gate of London-bridge; and then the Court of Aldermen, their hearts failing them, submitted on these conditions: to relinquish their militia; to desert the eleven members; to deliver up the forts and line of communication, together with the Tower of London, and all magazines and arms therein, to the army; to disband their forces and turn out the reformadoes, id est, all Essex's old soldiers; to draw off the guards from the Parliament. All which was done, and the army marched triumphantly through the principal streets of the city.
14? BEHEMOTH. Dialogue?,.
B. It is strange that the mayor and aldermen, having such an army, should so quickly yield. Might they not have resisted the party of the enemy at the bridge, with a party of their own; and the rest of the enemies, with the rest of their own?
A. I cannot judge of that: but to me it would have been strange if they had done otherwise. For I consider the most part of rich subjects, that have made themselves so by craft and trade, as men that never look upon anything but their present profit; and who, to everything not lying in that way, are in a manner blind, being amazed at the very thought of plundering^ If they had understood what virtue there is to preserve their wealth in obedience to their lawful sovereign, they would never have sided with the Parliament; and so we had had no need of arming. The mayor and aldermen therefore, being assured by this submission to save their goods, and not sure of the same by resisting, seem to me to have taken the wisest Course. Nor was the Parlia- ment less tame than the city. For presently, August the 6th, the general brought the fugitive speakers and members to the House, with a strong guard of soldiers, and replaced the speakers in their chairs. And for this they gave the general thanks, not only there in the House, but appointed also a day for a holy thanksgiving; and not long after made him Generalissimo of all the forces of England and Con- stable of the Tower. But in effect all this was the advance- ment of Cromwell; for he was the usufructuary, though the property were in Sir Thomas Fairfax. For the Independents immediately cast down the whole line of communication; divided the militia of London, Westminster and Southwark,