When Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus were contending for the empire, the oracle of Delphos, being consulted (notwithstanding the assertion of the Jesuit Baltus that oracles had ceased), answered that _the brown was very good, the white good for nothing, and the African tolerable_. It is plain that there are more ways than one of explaining such an oracle.
When Aurelian consulted the god of Palmyra (still in spite of Baltus), the god said that _the doves fear the falcon_. Whatever might happen, the god would not be embarrassed; the _falcon_ would be the _conqueror_, and _the doves_ the _conquered_.
Sovereigns, as well as gods, have sometimes made use of equivocation. Some tyrant, whose name I forget, having sworn to one of his captives that he would not kill him, ordered that he should have nothing to eat, saying that he had promised not to put him to death, but he had not promised to keep him alive.
AMERICA.
AMERICA.
Since framers of systems are continually conjecturing on the manner in which America can have been peopled, we will be equally consistent in saying that He who caused flies to exist in those regions caused men to exist there also. However pleasant it may be to dispute, it cannot be denied that the Supreme Being, who lives in all nature, has created, about the forty-eighth degree, two-legged animals without feathers, the color of whose skin is a mixture of white and carnation, with long beards approaching to red; about the line, in Africa and its islands, negroes without beards; and in the same latitude, other negroes with beards, some of them having wool, and some hair, on their heads; and among them other animals quite white, having neither hair nor wool, but a kind of white silk. It does not very clearly appear what should have prevented God from placing on another continent animals of the same species, of a copper color, in the same latitude in which, in Africa and Asia, they are found black; or even from making them without beards in the very same latitude in which others possess them.
To what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny of prejudice! We see these animals; it is agreed that God has had the power to place them where they are; yet it is not agreed that he _has_ so placed them. The same persons who readily admit that the _beavers_ of Canada are of Canadian origin, assert that the _men_ must have come there in boats, and that Mexico must have been peopled by some of the descendants of _Magog_. As well might be said that if there be men in the moon they must have been taken thither by Astolpho on his hippogriff, when he went to fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe _systematic_ enough to have advanced, with the Jesuit Lafitau, that the Caribbees descended from the inhabitants of Caria, and the Hurons from the Jews, he would have done well to have brought back the bottle containing the wits of these reasoners, which he would doubtless have found in the moon, along with those of Angelica's lover.
The first thing done when an inhabited island is discovered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Seas, is to inquire whence came these people? But as for the trees and the tortoises, _they_ are, without any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous; as if it was more difficult for Nature to make men than to make tortoises. One thing, however, which tends to countenance this system is that there is scarcely an island in the Eastern or in the Western Ocean which does not contain jugglers, quacks, knaves and fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to the opinion that these animals are of the same race with ourselves.
AMPLIFICATION.
It is pretended that _amplification_ is a fine figure of rhetoric; perhaps, however, it would be more reasonable to call it a _defect_. In saying all that we should say, we do not amplify; and if after saying this we amplify, we say too much. To place a good or bad action in every light is not to amplify; but to go farther than this is to exaggerate and become wearisome.
Prizes were formerly given in colleges for _amplification_. This was indeed teaching the art of being diffuse. It would, perhaps, have been better to have given the fewest words, and thus teach the art of speaking with greater force and energy. But while we avoid _amplification_, let us beware of _dryness_.
I have heard professors teach that certain passages in "Virgil" are amplifications, as, for instance, the following: _Nox erat, et placidum carpebant fessa soporem_ _Corpora per terras, silvæque et saeva quierunt_ _Æquora; quum medio volvuntur sidera lapsu;_ _Quum tacet omnis ager, pecudes, pietaeque volucres;_ _Quaeque lacus late liquidos, quaeque aspera dumis_ _Rura tenant, somno positae sub node silenti_ _Lenibant curas, et corda oblita laborum:_ _At non infelix animi Phœnissa._ 'Twas dead of night, when weary bodies close Their eyes in balmy sleep and soft repose: The winds no longer whisper through the woods, Nor murmuring tides disturb the gentle floods; The stars in silent order moved around, And peace, with downy wings, was brooding on the ground. The flocks and herds, and parti-colored fowl, Which haunt the woods and swim the weedy pool. Stretched on the quiet earth securely lay, Forgetting the past labors of the day. All else of Nature's common gift partake; Unhappy Dido was alone awake.--DRYDEN.
If the long description of the reign of sleep throughout all nature did not form an admirable contrast with the cruel inquietude of Dido, these lines would be no other than a puerile amplification; it is the words _At non infelix animi Phœnissa_--"Unhappy Dido," etc., which give them their charm.
That beautiful ode of Sappho's which paints all the symptoms of love, and which has been happily translated into every cultivated language, would doubtless have been less touching had Sappho been speaking of any other than herself; it might then have been considered as an amplification.
The description of the tempest in the first book of the "Æneid" is not an amplification; it is a true picture of all that happens in a tempest; there is no idea repeated, and _repetition_ is the vice of all which is merely amplification.
The finest part on the stage in any language is that of _Phèdre_ (Phædra). Nearly all that she says would be tiresome amplification if any other was speaking of Phædra's passion.
_Athenes me montra mon superbe ennemie;_ _Je le vis, je rougis, je plaîs, à sa vue;_ _Un trouble s'éleva dans mon âme éperdue;_ _Mes yeux ne voyaient plus, je ne pouvais parler,_ _Je sentis tout mon corps et transir et brûler;_ _Je reconnus Venus et ses traits redoubtables,_ _D'un sang qu'elle poursuit tormens inévitables._ _Yes;--Athens showed me my proud enemy;_ _I saw him--blushed--turned pale;--_ _A sudden trouble came upon my soul,--_ _My eyes grew dim--my tongue refused its office,--_ _I burned--and shivered;--through my trembling frame_ _Venus in all her dreadful power I felt,_ _Shooting through every vein a separate pang._ It is quite clear that since Athens showed her her proud enemy Hippolytus, she _saw_ Hippolytus; if she blushed and turned pale, she was doubtless _troubled_. It would have been a pleonasm, a redundancy, if a stranger had been made to relate the loves of Phædra; but it is Phædra, enamored and ashamed of her passion--her heart is full--everything escapes her: _Ut vidi, lit perii, ut me malus abstulit error._ _Je le vis, je rougis, je pâlis, à sa vue._ What can be a better imitation of Virgil?
_Mes yeux ne voyaient plus, je ne pouvais parler;_ _Je sentis tout mon corps et transir et brûler;_ My eyes grew dim--my tongue refused its office; I burned--and shivered; What can be a finer imitation of Sappho?
These lines, though imitated, flow as from their first source; each word moves and penetrates the feeling heart; this is not amplification; it is the perfection of nature and of art.
The following is, in my opinion, an instance of amplification, in a modern tragedy, which nevertheless has great beauties. Tydeus is at the court of Argos; he is in love with a sister of Electra; he laments the fall of his friend Orestes and of his father; he is divided betwixt his passion for Electra and his desire of vengeance; while in this state of care and perplexity he gives one of his followers a long description of a tempest, in which he had been shipwrecked some time before.
_Tu sais ce qu'en ces lieux nous venions entreprendre;_ _Tu sais que Palamède, avant que de s'y rendre,_ _Ne voulut point tenter son retour dans Argos,_ _Qu'il n'eût interroge l'oracle de Délos._ _A de si justes soins on souscrivit sans peine;_ _Nous partîmes, comblés des bienfaits de Thyrrène;_ _Tout nous favorisait; nous voyageâmes longtems_ _Au gré de nos désirs, bien plus qu'au gré des vents;_ _Mais, signalant bientôt toute son inconstance,_ _Le mer en un moment se mutine et s'élance;_ _L'air mugit, le jour fuit, une épaisse vapeur_ _Couvre d'un voile affreux les vagues en fureur;_ _La foudre, éclairante seule une nuit si profonde,_ _À sillons redoublés ouvre le ciel et l'onde,_ _Et comme un tourbillon, embrassant nos vaisseaux,_ _Semble en sources de feu bouillonner sur les eaux;_ _Les vagues quelquefois, nous portant sur leurs cimes,_ _Nous font router après sous de vastes abîmes,_ _Où les éclairs pressés, pénétrans avec nous,_ _Dans des gouffres de feu semblaient nous plonger tous;_ _Le pilote effrayé, que la flamme environne,_ _Aux rochers qu'il fuyait lui-même s'abandonne;_ _À travers les écueils notre vaisseau pousse,_ _Se brise, et nage enfin sur les eaux dispersées._ Thou knowest what purpose brought us to these shores; Thou knowest that Palamed would not attempt Again to set his foot within these walls Until he'd questioned Delos' oracle. To his just care we readily subscribed; We sailed, and favoring gales at first appeared To announce a prosperous voyage; Long time we held our course, and held it rather As our desires than as the winds impelled; But the inconstant ocean heaved at last Its treacherous bosom; howling blasts arose; The heavens were darkened; vapors black and dense Spread o'er the furious waves a frightful veil, Pierced only by the thunderbolts, which clove The waters and the firmament at once, And whirling round our ship, in horrid sport Chased one another o'er the boiling surge; Now rose we on some watery mountain's summit. Now with the lightning plunged into a gulf That seemed to swallow all. Our pilot, struck Powerless by terror, ceased to steer, and left us Abandoned to those rocks we dreaded most; Soon did our vessel dash upon their points, And swim in scattered fragments on the billows.
In this description we see the poet wishing to surprise his readers with the relation of a shipwreck, rather than the man who seeks to avenge his father and his friend--to kill the tyrant of Argos, but who is at the same time divided between love and vengeance.
Several men of taste, and among others the author of "Telemachus," have considered the relation of the death of Hippolytus, in Racine, as an amplification; long recitals were the fashion at that time. The vanity of actors make them wish to be listened to, and it was then the custom to indulge them in this way. The archbishop of Cambray says that Theramenes should not, after Hippolytus' catastrophe, have strength to speak so long; that he gives too ample a description of the monster's _threatening horns_, his _saffron scales, etc._; that he should say in broken accents, _Hippolytus is dead--a monster has destroyed him--I beheld it._ I shall not enter on a defence of the _threatening horns_, etc.; yet this piece of criticism, which has been so often repeated, appears to me to be unjust. You would have Theramenes say nothing more than _Hippolytus is killed--I saw him die--all is over._ This is precisely what he does say; _Hippolyte n'est plus!_ (Hippolytus is no more!) His father exclaims aloud; and Theramenes, on recovering his senses, says; _J'ai vu des mortels périr le plus amiable,_ I have seen the most amiable of mortals perish, and adds this line, so necessary and so affecting yet so agonizing for Theseus: _Et j'ose dire encore. Seigneur, le moins coupable._ And, Sire, I may truly add, the most innocent.
The gradations are fully observed; each shade is accurately distinguished. The wretched father asks what God--what sudden thunder-stroke has deprived him of his son. He has not courage to proceed; he is mute with grief; he awaits the dreadful recital, and the audience awaits it also. Theramenes _must_ answer; he is asked for particulars; he must give them.
Was it for him who had made Mentor and all the rest of his personages discourse at such length, sometimes even tediously; was it for him to shut the mouth of Theramenes? Who among the spectators would not listen to him? Who would not enjoy the melancholy pleasure of hearing the circumstance of Hippolytus' death? Who would have so much as three lines struck out? This is no vain description of a storm unconnected with the piece; no ill-written amplification; it is the purest diction, the most affecting language; in short, it is Racine. Amplification, declamation, and exaggeration were at all times the faults of the Greeks, excepting Demosthenes and Aristotle.
There have been absurd pieces of poetry on which time has set the stamp of almost universal approbation, because they were mixed with brilliant flashes which threw a glare over their imperfections, or because the poets who came afterward did nothing better. The rude beginnings of every art acquire a greater celebrity than the art in perfection; he who first played the fiddle was looked upon as a demi-god, while Rameau had only enemies. In fine, men, generally going with the stream, seldom judge for themselves, and purity of taste is almost as rare as talent.
At the present day, most of our sermons, funeral orations, set discourses, and harangues in certain ceremonies, are tedious amplifications--strings of commonplace expressions repeated again and again a thousand times. These discourses are only supportable when rarely heard. Why speak when you have nothing new to say? It is high time to put a stop to this excessive waste of words, and therefore we conclude our article.
ANCIENTS AND MODERNS.
The great cause of the ancients _versus_ the moderns is not yet disposed of; it has been at issue ever since the silver age, which succeeded the golden one. Men have always pretended that the _good old times_ were much better than the present. Nestor, in the "Iliad," wishing to insinuate himself, like a wise mediator, into the good opinion of Achilles and Agamemnon, begins with saying: "I have lived with better men than you; never have I seen, nor shall I ever see again, such great personages as Dryas, Cæneus, Exadius, Polyphemus equal to the gods," etc. Posterity has made ample amends to Achilles for Nestor's bad compliment, so vainly admired by those who admire nothing but what is ancient. Who knows anything about _Dryas_? We have scarcely heard of _Exadius_ or of _Cæneus_; and as for _Polyphemus equal to the gods_, he has no very high reputation, unless, indeed, there was something divine in his having a great eye in the middle of his forehead, and eating the raw carcasses of mankind.
Lucretius does not hesitate to say that nature has degenerated: _Ipsa dedit dulces fœtus et pabula lœta,_ _Quæ nunc vix nostro grandescunt aucta labore;_ _Conterimusque boves, et vires agricolarum, etc._ Antiquity is full of the praises of another antiquity still more remote: _Les hommes, en tout tems, ont pensé qu'autrefois,_ _De longs ruisseaux de lait serpentaient dans nos bois;_ _La lune était plus grande, et la nuit moins obscure;_ _L'hiver se couronnait de fleurs et de verdure;_ _Se contemplait à l'aise, admirait son néant,_ _Et, formé pour agir, se plaisait à rien faire, etc._ Men have, in every age, believed that once Long streams of milk ran winding through the woods; The moon was larger and the night less dark; Winter was crowned with flowers and trod on verdure; Man, the world's king, had nothing else to do Than contemplate his utter worthlessness, And, formed for action, took delight in sloth, etc.
Horace combats this prejudice with equal force and address in his fine epistle to Augustus. "Must our poems, then," says he, "be like our wines, of which the oldest are always preferred?" He afterward says: _Indignor quidquam reprehendi, non quia crasse_ _Compositum illepideve putetur, sed quia nuper;_ _Nec veniam antiquis, sed honorem et præmia posci._ * * * * * _Ingeniis non ille favet plauditque sepultis,_ _Nostra sed impugnat, nos nostraque lividus odit._ I feel my honest indignation rise, When, with affected air, a coxcomb cries: "The work, I own, has elegance and ease, But sure no modern should presume to please"; Thus for his favorite ancients dares to claim, Not pardon only, but rewards and fame. * * * * * Not to the illustrious dead his homage pays, But envious robs the living of their praise.--FRANCIS.
On this subject the learned and ingenious Fontenelle expresses himself thus: "The whole of the question of pre-eminence between the ancients and moderns, being once well understood, reduces itself to this: Were the trees which formerly grew in the country larger than those of the present day? If they were, Homer, Plato, and Demosthenes cannot be equalled in these latter ages; but if our trees are as large as those of former times, then can we equal Homer, Plato, and Demosthenes.
"But to clear up the paradox: If the ancients had stronger minds than ourselves, it must have been that the brains of those times were better disposed, were formed of firmer or more delicate fibres, or contained a larger portion of animal spirits. But how should the brains of those times have been better disposed? Had such been the case, the leaves would likewise have been larger and more beautiful; for if nature was then more youthful and vigorous, the trees, as well as the brains of men, would have borne testimony to that youth and vigor."
With our illustrious academician's leave, this is by no means the state of the question. It is not asked whether nature can at the present day produce as great geniuses, and as good works, as those of Greek and Latin antiquity, but whether we really have such. It is doubtless possible that there are oaks in the forest of Chantilly as large as those of Dodona; but supposing that the oaks of Dodona could talk, it is quite clear that they had a great advantage over ours, which, it is probable, will never talk.
La Motte, a man of wit and talent, who has merited applause in more than one kind of writing, has, in an ode full of happy lines, taken the part of the moderns. We give one of his stanzas: _Et pourquoi veut-on que j'encense_ _Ces prétendus Dieux dont je sors?_ _En moi la même intelligence_ _Fait mouvoir les mêmes ressorts._ _Croit-on la nature bizarre,_ _Pour nous aujourd'hui plus avare_ _Que pour les Grecs et les Romains?_ _De nos aînés mere idolâtre,_ _N'est-elle plus que la marâtre_ _Dure et grossière des humains?_ And pray, why must I bend the knee To these pretended Gods of ours? The same intelligence in me Gives vigor to the self-same powers. Think ye that nature is capricious, Or towards us more avaricious Than to our Greek and Roman sires-- To them an idolizing mother, While in their children she would smother The sparks of intellectual fires?
He might be answered thus: _Esteem_ your ancestors, without _adoring_ them. You have intelligence and powers of invention, as Virgil and Horace had; but perhaps it is not absolutely the same intelligence. Perhaps their talents were superior to--yours; they exercised them, too, in a language richer and more harmonious than our modern tongues, which are a mixture of corrupted Latin, with the horrible jargon of the Celts.
Nature is not capricious; but it is possible that she had given the Athenians a soil and sky better adapted than Westphalia and the Limousin to the formation of geniuses of a certain order. It is also likely that, the government of Athens, seconding the favorable climate, put ideas into the head of Demosthenes which the air of Clamar and La Grenouillere combined with the government of Cardinal de Richelieu, did _not_ put into the heads of Omer Talon and Jerome Bignon.
Some one answered La Motte's lines by the following: _Cher la Motte, imite et revère_ _Ces Dieux dont tu ne descends pas;_ _Si tu crois qu'Horace est ton père,_ _Il a fait des enfans ingrats._ _La nature n'est point bizarre;_ _Pour Danchet elle est fort avare,_ _Mais Racine en fut bien traité;_ _Tibulle était guide par elle,_ _Mais pour notre ami La Chapelle,_ _Hélas! qu'elle a peu de bonté!_ Revere and imitate, La Motte, Those Gods from whom thou'rt _not_ descended; If thou by Horace _wert_ begot, His children's manners might be mended. Nature is not at all capricious; To Danchet she is avaricious, But she was liberal to Racine; She used Tibullus very well, Though to our good friend La Chapelle, Alas! she is extremely mean!
This dispute, then, resolves itself into a question of fact. Was antiquity more fertile in great monuments of genius of every kind, down to the time of Plutarch, than modern ages have been, from that of the house of Medicis to that of Louis XIV., inclusively?
The Chinese, more than two hundred years before our Christian era, built their great wall, which could not save them from invasion by the Tartars. The Egyptians had, four thousand years before, burdened the earth with their astonishing pyramids, the bases of which covered ninety thousand square feet. No one doubts that, if it were thought advisable to undertake such useless works at the present day, they might be accomplished by lavishing plenty of money. The great wall of China is a monument of fear; the pyramids of Egypt are monuments of vanity and superstition; both testify the great patience of the two people, but no superior genius. Neither the Chinese nor the Egyptians could have made a single statue like those formed by our living sculptors.
Sir William Temple, who made a point of degrading the moderns, asserts that they have nothing in architecture that can be compared to the temples of Greece and Rome; but, Englishman as he was, he should have admitted that St. Peter's at Rome is incomparably more beautiful than the capitol.
There is something curious in the assurance with which he asserts that there is nothing new in our astronomy, nor in our knowledge of the human body, _except_, says he, _it be the circulation of the blood._ The love of his opinion, founded on his extreme self-love, makes him forget the discovery of Jupiter's satellites, of Saturn's five moons and ring, of the sun's rotation on his axis, the calculation of the positions of three thousand stars, the development by Kepler and Newton of the law by which the heavenly bodies are governed, and the knowledge of a thousand other things of which the ancients did not even suspect the possibility. The discoveries in anatomy have been no less numerous. A new universe in miniature, discovered by the microscope, went as nothing with Sir William Temple; he closed his eyes to the wonders of his contemporaries, and opened them only to admire ancient ignorance.
He even goes so far as to regret that we have nothing left of the magic of the Indians, Chaldæans, and Egyptians. By this magic, he understands a profound knowledge of nature, which enabled them to work miracles--of which, however, he does not mention one, because the truth is that they never worked any. "What," says he, "has become of the charms of that music which so often enchanted men and beasts, fishes, birds, and serpents, and even changed their nature?" This enemy to his own times believed implicitly in the fable of "Orpheus," and, it should seem, had never heard of the fine music of Italy, nor even of that of France, which _do not_ charm serpents, it is true, but which _do_ charm the ears of the connoisseur.
It is still more strange that, having all his life cultivated the belles-lettres, he reasons no better on our good authors than on our philosophers. He considers Rabelais a great man, and speaks of _"les Amours des Gaules"_ ("The Loves of the Gauls"), as one of his best works. He was, nevertheless, a learned man, a courtier, a man of considerable wit, and an ambassador, who had made profound reflections on all that he had seen; he possessed great knowledge; one prejudice sufficed to render all this merit unavailing.
Boileau and Racine, when writing in favor of the ancients against Perrault, showed more address than Sir William Temple. They knew better than to touch on astronomy and physical science. Boikau seeks only to vindicate Homer against Perrault, at the same time gliding adroitly over the faults of the Greek poet, and the slumber with which Horace reproaches him. He strove to turn Perrault, the enemy of Homer, into ridicule. Wherever Perrault misunderstands a passage, or renders inaccurately a passage which he understands, Boileau, seizing this little advantage, falls upon him like a redoubtable enemy, and beats him as an ignoramus--a dull writer. But it is not at all improbable that Perrault, though often mistaken, was frequently right in his remarks on the contradictions, the repetitions, the uniformity of the combats, the long harangues in the midst of them, the indecent and inconsistent conduct of the gods in the poem--in short, on all the errors into which this great poet is asserted to have fallen. In a word, Boileau ridicules Perrault much more than he justifies Homer.
Racine used the same artifice, for he was at least as malignant as Boileau. Although he did not, like the latter, make his fortune by satire, he enjoyed the pleasure of confounding his enemies on the occasion of a small and very pardonable mistake into which they had fallen respecting Euripides, and, at the same time, of feeling much superior to Euripides himself. He rallies the same Perrault and his partisans upon their critique on the Alceste of Euripides, because these gentlemen had unfortunately been deceived by a faulty edition of Euripides, and had taken some replies of Admetus for those of Alceste; but Euripides does not the less appear in all countries to have done very wrong in making Admetus use such extraordinary language to his father, whom he violently reproaches for not having died for him: "How!" replies the king, his father; "whom, pray, are you addressing so haughtily? Some Lydian or Phrygian slave? Know you not that I am free, and a Thessalian? (Fine language, truly, for a king and a father!) You insult me as if I were the meanest of men. Where is the law which says fathers must die for their children? Each for himself here below. I have fulfilled all my obligations toward you. In what, then, do I wrong you? Do I ask you to die for me? The light is dear to you; is it less so to me? You accuse me of cowardice! Coward that you yourself are! You were not ashamed to urge your wife to save you, by dying for you. After this, does it become you to treat as cowards those who refuse to do for you what you have not the courage to do yourself? Believe me, you ought rather to be silent. You love life; others love it no less. Be assured that if you continue to abuse me, you shall have reproaches, and not false ones, in return."
He is here interrupted by the chorus, with: "Enough! Too much on both sides! Old man, cease this ill language toward your son."
One would think that the chorus should rather give the son a severe reprimand for speaking in so brutal a manner to his father.
All the rest of the scene is in the same style: _Pheres (to his son)._--Thou speakest against thy father, without his having injured thee.
_Admetus._--Oh! I am well aware that you wish to live as long as possible.
_Pheres._--And art thou not carrying to the tomb her who died for thee?
_Admetus._--Ah! most infamous of men! 'Tis the proof of thy cowardice!
_Pheres._--At least, thou canst not say she died for me.
_Admetus._--Would to heaven that thou wert in a situation to need my assistance!
_Pheres._--Thou wouldst do better to think of marrying several wives, who may die that thy life may be lengthened.
After this scene a domestic comes and talks to himself about the arrival of Hercules.
"A stranger," says he, "opens the door of his own accord; places himself without more ado at table; is angry because he is not served quick enough; fills his cup every moment with wine, and drinks long draughts of red and of white; constantly singing, or rather howling, bad songs, without giving himself any concern about the king and his wife, for whom we are mourning. He is, doubtless, some cunning rogue, some vagabond, or assassin."
It seems somewhat strange that Hercules should be taken for a _cunning rogue_, and no less so that Hercules, the friend of Admetus, should be unknown to the household. It is still more extraordinary that Hercules should be ignorant of Alceste's death, at the very time when they were carrying her to her tomb.
Tastes must not be disputed, but such scenes as these would, assuredly, not be tolerated at one of our country fairs.
Brumoy, who has given us the _Théâtre des Grecs_ (Greek Theatre), but has not translated Euripides with scrupulous fidelity, does all he can to justify the scene of Admetus and his father: the argument he makes use of is rather singular.
First, he says, that "there was nothing offensive to the Greeks in these things which we regard as horrible and indecent, therefore it must be admitted that they were not exactly what we take them to have been, in short, ideas have changed." To this it may be answered that the ideas of polished nations on the respect due from children to their fathers have never changed. He adds, "Who can doubt that in different ages ideas have changed relative to points of morality of still greater importance?" We answer, that there are scarcely any points of greater importance.
"A Frenchman," continues he, "is insulted; the pretended good sense of the French obliges him to run the risk of a duel, and to kill or be killed, in order to recover his honor." We answer, that it is not the pretended good sense of the French alone, but of all the nations of Europe without exception. He proceeds: "The world in general cannot be fully sensible how ridiculous this maxim will appear two thousand years hence, nor how it would have been scoffed at in the time of Euripides." This maxim is cruel and fatal, but it is not _ridiculous_; nor would it have been in any way scoffed at in the time of Euripides. There were many instances of duels among the Asiatics. In the very commencement of the first book of the "Iliad," we see Achilles half unsheathing his sword, and ready to fight Agamemnon, had not Minerva taken him by the hair and made him desist.
Plutarch relates that Hephæstion and Craterus were fighting a duel, but were separated by Alexander. Quintus Curtius tells us that two other of Alexander's officers fought a duel in the presence of Alexander, one of them armed at all points, the other, who was a wrestler, supplied only with a staff, and that the latter overcame his adversary. Besides, what has duelling to do with Admetus and his father Pheres, reproaching each other by turns, with having too great a love for life, and with being cowards?
I shall give only this one instance of the blindness of translators and commentators; for if Brumoy, the most impartial of all, has fallen into such errors, what are we to expect from others? I would, however, ask the Brumoys and the Daciers, if they find much _salt_in the language which Euripides puts into the mouth of Polyphemus: "I fear not the thunder of Jupiter; I know not that Jupiter is a prouder or a stronger god than myself; I care very little about him. If he sends down rain, I shut myself up in my cavern; there I eat a roasted calf or some wild animal, after which I lie down all my length, drink off a great potful of milk, and send forth a certain noise, which is as good as his thunder."
The schoolmen cannot have very fine noses if they are not disgusted with the noise which Polyphemus makes when he has eaten heartily.
They say that the Athenian pit laughed at this pleasantry, and that the Athenians never laughed at anything stupid. So the whole populace of Athens had more wit than the court of Louis XIV., and the populace are not the same everywhere!
Nevertheless, Euripides has beauties, and Sophocles still more; but they have much greater defects. We may venture to say that the fine scenes of Corneille and the affecting tragedies of Racine are as much superior to the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides, as these two Greeks were to Thespis. Racine was quite sensible of his great superiority over Euripides, but he praised the Greek poet for the sake of humbling Perrault.
Molière, in his best pieces, is as superior to the pure but cold Terence, and to the buffoon Aristophanes, as to the merry-andrew Dancourt.
Thus there are things in which the moderns are superior to the ancients; and others, though very few, in which we are their inferiors. The whole of the dispute reduces itself to this fact.
_Certain Comparisons between Celebrated Works._ Both taste and reason seem to require that we should, in an ancient as well as in a modern, discriminate between the good and the bad that are often to be found in contact with each other.
The warmest admiration must be excited by that line of Corneille's, unequalled by any in Homer, in Sophocles, or in Euripides: _Que vouliez-vous qu'il fût contre trois?_--_Qu'il mourût._ What could he do against three weapons?--Die.