The principles here delivered on the conduct of war, lead the mind to a very interesting subject, that of foreign and distant territories. Whatever may be the value of these principles considered in themselves, they become altogether nugatory, the moment the idea of foreign dependencies is admitted. But, in reality, what argument, possessing the smallest degree of plausi- bility, can be alleged, in favour of that idea? The mode in which dependencies are acquired, must be either conquest, ces- sion or colonization. The first of these no true moralist or poli- tician will attempt to defend. The second is to be considered as the same thing in substance as the first, but with less openness and ingenuity. Colonization, which is by much the most specious pretence, is however no more than a pretence. Ajre these pro- vinces held in a state of dependence, for our sake, or for theirs? If for ours, we must recollect that this is still an usurpation, and that justice requires we should yield to others what we demand for ourselves, the privilege of being governed by the dictates of their own reason. If for theirs, they must be told, that it is the business of associations of men to defend themselves, or, if that be impracticable, to look for support to a confederation with their neighbours. They must be told, that defence against foreign enemies is a very inferior consideration and that no people were ever either wise or happy, who were not left to the fair develop- ment of their inherent powers. Can anything be more absurd, than for the West India islands, for example, to be defended by fleets and armies to be transported across the Atlantic? The support of a mother country extended to her colonies, is much oftener a means of involving them in danger, than of contributing to their security. The connection is maintained, by vanity on one side, and prejudice on the other. If they must sink into a degrading state of dependence, how will they be the worse, in belonging to one state rather than another? Perhaps the first step towards putting a stop to this fruitful source of war, would be, to annihilate that monopoly of trade which enlightened leasoners at present agree to condemn, and to throw open the ports of our colonies to all the world. The prmciple which will not fail to lead us right upon this subject of foreign dependencies, 80 OF MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS as well as upon a thousand others, is the principle delivered in. entering upon the topic of war, that that attribute, however splen- did, is not really beneficial to a nation, that is not beneficial to the great mass of individuals of which the nation consists.
CHAP XIX.
OF MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS AND TREATIES.
A country may look for its defence, either to a standing army, or an universal militia. — The former condemned. — The latter objected to, as of pernicious tendency — as unnecessary — either in respect to courage— or discipline. — Of a commander. — Of treaties.-^Conclusion.
The last topic which it may be necessary to examine, as to the subject of war, is the conduct it becomes us to observe respecting it, in a time of peace. This article may be distributed into two heads, military establishments, and treaties of alliance.
If military establishments in time of peace be judged proper, their purpose may be effected, either by consigning the practice of military discipline to a certain part of the community, or by, making every man, whose age is suitable for that purpose, a soldier.
The preferableness of the latter of these methods to the former, is obvious. The man that is merely a soldier, must always be uncommonly depraved. War, in his case, inevitably degenerates, from the necessary precautions of a personal defence, into a trade, by which a man sells his skill in murder, and the safety of his existence, for a pecuniary recompense. The man that is merely a soldier, ceases to be, in the same sense as his neighbours, a citizen. He is cut off from the rest of the community, and has sentiments and a rule of judgment peculiar to himself. He con- siders his cotmtryman as indebted to him for their security; and, by an unavoidable transition of reasoning, believes that, in a double sense, they are at his mercy. On the other hand, that every citizen should exercise in his turn the functions of a soldier, seems peculiarly favourable to that confidence in himself, and in the resources of his country, which it is so desirable he should en- tertain. It is congenial to that equality, which must operate to a considerable extent, before mankind in general can be either virtuous or wise. And it seems to multiply the powers of defence in a country, so as to render the idea of its falling under the yoke of an enemy, in the utmost degree improbable.
There are reasons however that will oblige us to doubt, respect- ing the propriety of cultivating, under any form, the system of militai-y discipline in time of peace. It is, in this respect, with- AND TREATIES. 81 AND TREATIES. 81 Rations, as it is with individuals. The man that, with a pistol bullet, is sure of his mark, or that excels his contemporaries in the exercise of the sword, can scarcely escape those obliquities of un- derstanding, which accomplishments of this sort are adapted to nourish. It is not to be expected, that he should entertain all that confidence in justice, and distaste of viclence, which reason pre- scribes. It is beyond all controversy that war, though the practice of it, under the present state of the human species, should be found, in some instances, unavoidable, is a proceeding pregnant with calamity and vice. It cannot be a matter of indifference, for the human mind to be systematically familiarised to thoughts of murder and desolation. The pupil of nature would not fail, at the sight of a musket or a sword, to be impressed with sentiments of abhorrence. Why expel these sentiments? Why connect the discipline of death with ideas of festivity and splendour; which will inevitably happen, if the citizens, without oppression, are accustomed to be drawn out to encampments and reviews? Is it possible that he, who has not learned to murder his neighbour with a grace, is imperfect in the trade of man?
If it be replied, " that the generating of error is not inseparable from military discipline, and tliat men may at some time be sulh- ciently guarded against the abuse, even while they are taught the use of arms;*' it will be fouud upon reflection that this argument is of little w eight. If error be not unalterably connected with the science of arms, it will for a long time remain se»^ When men are sufficiently improved, to be able to handle, familiarly, and with application of mind, tlie instruments of death, without injury to their dispositions, they will also be sufficiently improved, to bo able to master any study with much greater facility than at pre- sent, and consequently the cultivation of the art military in time of peace, will have still fewer inducements to recommend it to our choice. — To apply these considerations to the present situation of mankind.
We have already seen that the system of a standing army is altogether indefensible, and that a universal militia is a more for- midable defence, as well as more agreeable to the principles of justice and political happiness. It remains to be seen, what would be the real situation of a nation, surrounded by other nations, in the midst of which standing armies were maintained, that should nevertheless, upon principle, wholly neglect the art military in seasons of peace. In such a nation it will probably be admitted, that, so far as relates to mere numbers, an army may be raised upon the spur of occasion, nearly as soon, as in a nation th^ citizens of which had been taught to be soldiers. But this army, though numerous, would be in want of many of those principles of combination and activity, which are of material importance in a day of battle. There is indeed included in the supposition, that the internal state of this people, is more equal and free, than that of the people by whom they are invaded. This will infallibly be the case, in a comparison, between a people with a standing 21.— VOL. u. o S2 OF MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS army, and a people witlxout cue; between a people, who can be brought blindly and wickedly to the invasion of their peaceful neighbours, and a people, who will not be induced to fight but in their own defence. The latter therefore will be obliged to com- pare the state of society and government, in their own country, and among their neighbours, and will not fail to be impressed with great ardour in defence of the inestimable superiority they possess. Ardour, even in the day of battle, might prove sufficient. A body of men, however undisciplined, whom nothing could induce to quit the field, would infallibly be victorious over their veteran adversaries, who, under the circumstances of the case, could have no accurate conception of the object for which they were fighting, and therefore could not entertain an inextinguishable love for it. It is not certain that activity and discipline, opposed to ardour, have even a tendency to turn the balance of slaughter against the party that wants them. Their great advantage con- sists, in their power over the imagination, to astonish, to terrify, and confound. An intrepid courage in the party thus assailed, would soon convert them, from sources of despair, into objects of contempt.
But it would be extremely unwise in us, to have no other re- source, but in the chance of this intrepidity. A resource, much surer, and more agreeable to justice, is in recollecting that the war of which we treat, is a war of defence. Battle is not the ob- ject of such a war. An army, which, like tliat of Fabius, by keeping on the hills, or by whatever other means, rendered it impracticable for the enemy to force them to an engagement, might look with indifference upon his impotent eflforts to enslave the country. One advantage, included in such a system of war, is that, as its very essence is protraction, the defending army might, in a short time, be rendered as skilful as the assailants. Discipline, like every other art, has been represented, by rain and interested men, as surrounded with imaginary difficulties, but is, in reality, exceedingly simple; and would be learned much more effectually in the scene of a real war, than in the puppet- show exhibitions of a period of peace.
It is desirable indeed that we should have a commander of considerable skill, or rather of considerable wisdom, to reduce this patient and indefatigable system into practice. This is of greater importance, than the mere discipline of the ranks. But the nature of military Avisdom has been greatly misrepresented. Experience in this, as well as in other arts, has been unreasonably magnified, and the general power of a cultivated mind been thrown into shade. It will probably be no long time, before this quackery of professional men will be thoroughly exploded. How often do we meet with those whom experience finds incorrigible; while it is recorded of one of the greatest generals of antiquity, that he set out for his appointment wholly unacquainted with his art, and was indebted for that skill, which bi'oke out immediately upon nls arrival, to the assiduity of his enquiries, and a careful examina* AND TREATIES. 83 tiouof tliose 'writers by wliom the art had most successfully been illustrated?* In all events it will be admitted, that the main- tenance of a standing army, or the perpetual discipline of a nation, is a very dear price to pay for tlie purchase of a general, as well as that the purchase -would be extremely precarious, if we were even persuaded to consent to the condition. It may perhaps be true, though this is not altogether clear, that a nation by wliom military discipline was wholly neglected, would be exposed to some disadvantage. In tliat case, it becomes us to weigh the neglect and cultivation togetlier, and to cast the balance on the side to which, upon mature examination, it shall appear to belong. A second article which belongs to the military system in a sea- son of peace, is that of treaties of alliance. This subject may easily be dispatched. Treaties of alliance, if we examine and ■weigh the history of mankind, will perhaps be found to have been, in all cases, nugatory, or worse. Governments, and public men, will not, and ought not, to hold themselves bound to the injury of the concerns they conduct, because a parchment, to which they or their predecessors were a party, requires it. If the concert demanded in time of need, approve itself to their judgment, and cor- respond with their inclination, it will be yielded, though they are imder no previous engagement for that purpose. Treaties ot alliance serve to no other end, than to exhibit, by their violation, an appearance of profligacy and vice, which unfortunately becomes too often a powerful encouragement to the inconsistency of indi- viduals. Add to this, that if alliances were engines as powerful, as they are really impotent, they could seldom be of use to a nation uniformly adhering to the principles of justice. They would be useless, because they are, in reality, ill calculated i'or any other purposes than those of ambition. They might be per- nicious, because it would be beneficial for nations, as it is ibr in- dividuals, to look for resources at home, instead of depending^ upon the precarious compassion of their neighbours.
It would be unjust, to dismiss the consideration of this most dreadful, yet perhaps, in the present state of things, sometimes unavoidable, calamity of war, without again reminding the reader of its true character. It is that state of things, where a man stands prepared to deal slaughter and death to his fellow-men.
Let us image to ourselves a human being, surveying, as soon as his appetite for carnage is satiated, tlie scene of devastation he has produced. Let us view him surrounded with the dying and the dead, his arms bathed to the very elbow in their blood. Let us investigate along with him the features of the field, attempt to V divide the wounded from the slain, observe their distorted coun- Oi teuances, their mutilated limbs, their convulsed and palpitating ii flesh. Let us obsei-ve the long-drawn march of the hospilal- * • waggons, eveay motion attended with pangs unutterable, and l> shrieks tliat rend the air. Let us enter the hospital itself, and • Ciccronii Lucullus, st(>€ Acadetnicorum Liber Secundus, inii.
Q 2 84 OP DJiMOCRACY AS COKKECTED WITH note the desperate and dreadful cases that now call for the skill of the surgeon, even omitting those to which neitlxer skill nor care is ever extended. Whence came all this misery? What manner of creatiu-e shall we now adjudge the warrior to be? What had these men done to him?. Alas! he knew them not; they had never offended; he smote them to the death, unprovoked hy momentary anger, coldly deliberating on faults of which tliey were guiltless, and executing plans of wilful and meditated de- struction. Is not this man a murderer? Yet such is the man who goes to battle, whatever be the cause that induces him;. Who that reflects on these things, docs not feel himself prompted to say, " Let who will engage in the business of war; never will I, on any pretence, lift up a sword against my brother?"
We have entered, in these chapters, somewhat more at large into the subject of war, than the question respecting it, as con- nected with the principles of democracy might seem to require. So far as this is a digression, the importance of the topic may perhaps plead our excuse.
CHAP. XX.
OF DEMOCRACY AS CONNECTED WITH THE TRANSACTIONS OF WAR., External affairs are of sxihordinate considei^ation. — Application,'— Further o')jections to democracy — 1, it is unfavourable to secrecy — this proved to hz an excellence — 2, its movements are too slow — 3, too precipitate.
Having thus endeavoured to reduce the question of war to its true principles, it is time that we should recur to tlic niaxim de- livered at our entrance upon this subject, that individuals are everything, and society, abstracted from the individuals of which it is composed, nothing. An immediate consequence of this maxim is, that the internal affairs of the society are entitled to our principal attention, and the external are matters of inferior and subordinate consideration. The internal affairs are subjects of perpetual and hourly concern, the external are periodical and precarious only. That every man should be impressed with the consciousness of his independence, and resciied from tlxe influence of extreme want and artificial desires, are purposes the most in- teresting that can suggest themselves to the human mind; but the life of man might pass, in a state uncorrupted by ideal pas- sions, without its tranquillity being so much as once disturbed by foreign invasions. The influence that a certain number of millions, born under the same climate with ourselves, and known by the common appellation of English or French, shall possess over the administrative councils of their neighbour millions, is a THE TRANS.VCTIONS OF WAR. 85 citcumstaTice of much too airy and distant consideration, to deserve to "be made a principal object in the institutions of any people. The best inlluence we can exert, is that of a sage and upright example.
If therefore it should appear that, of these two articles, ia- ternal and external affairs, one must, in some degree, be sacri- ficed to the other, and that a democracy will, in certain respects, be less fitted for the affairs of war than some other species of government, good sense will not hesitate in the alternative. We shall have sufficient reason "to be satisfied, if, together with the benefits of justice and virtue at home, we have no reason to despair of our safety from abroad. A confidence in this article will seldom deceive us, if our countrymen, however little trained to formal rules, and the uniformity of mechanism, have studied the profession of man, understand his attributes and his nature, and have their necks unbroken to the yoke of blind credulity and abject submission. Such men, inured, as we are now supposing them, to a rational state of society, will be full of calm confidence and penetrating activity, and these qualities will stand them iti stead of a thousand lessons in the school of military mechanism If democracy can be proved adequnte to wars of defence, and other governments be better fitted for wars of a different sort, this would be an argument, not of its imperfection, but its merit.
It has been one of the objections to the ability of a democracy in war, '* that it cannot keep secrets. The legislative assembly, whether it possess the initiative, or a power of control only, in executive affairs, will be perpetually calling for papers, plaus, and information, cross-examining ministers, and sifting the policy and justice of public undertakings. How shall we be able to cope with an enemy, if he know precisely the points we mean to attack, the state of our fortifications, and the strength and weak- ness of our armies? How shall we manage our treaties with skill and address, if he be precisely informed of our sentiments, and have access to the instructions of our ambassadors?"
It happens in this instance, that that which the objection attacks as the vice of democracy, is one of its most essential excellencies. The trick of a mysterious carriage is the prolific parent of every vice; and it is an eminent advantage inci- dent to democracy, that, though the proclivity of the human mind has hitherto reconciled this species of administration, in some degree, to tlie keeping of secrets, its inherent tendency is to annihilate them. Why should disingenuity and concealment be thought virtTious or beneficial on the part of nations, in cases where they would inevitably be discarded with contempt, by an upright individual? Where is there an ingenuoits and en- lightened man, who is not aware of the superior advantage, that belongs to a proceeding, frank, explicit, and direct? Who is there tliat sees not, that this inextricable labj-rinth of reason^ of state, was artfully invented, lest the people should \inderstand their own affairs, and, understanding, become inclined to conduct 86 OF DEMOCRACY AS CONNECTED WITH them? With respect to treaties, it is to be suspected that they are, in all instances, superfluous. But, if public engagement? ought to be entered into, what essential difterence is there between the governments of two countries endeavouring to over- reach each other, and the buyer and seller in any private transac- tion adopting a similar proceeding?
This whole system proceeds upon the idea of national grandeur and glory, as if, in reality, these words had any specific meaning^. These contemptible objects, these airy names, have, from the earliest page of history, been made a colour for the most perni- cious undertakings. Let us take a specimen of then* value from the most innocent and laudable pursuits. If I aspire to be a great poet or a great historian, so far as I am influenced by the dictates of reason, it is that I may be useful to mankind, and not that I may do honour to my country. Is Newton the bettei;, because he was an Englishman; or Galileo the worse, because he was an Italian? Who can endure to put this high-sounding non- sense in the balance, against the best interests of mankind, which w'ill always suffer a mortal wound, when dexterity, artifice, and concealment, are made the topics of admiration and applause? The understanding and the virtues of mankind, will always keep pace with the manly simplicity of their designs, and the midis- guised integrity of their hearts.
It has further been objected to a democratical state, in its transactions with foreign powers, " that it is incapable of those rapid and decisive proceedings which, in some situations, have so eminent a tendency to insure success." If by this objection it be understood, that a democratical state is ill fitted for dexterity and surprise, the rapidity of an assassin, it has already received a sufficient answer. If it be meant, that the regularity of its proceedings may ill accord with the impatience of a neigh- bouring despot, and, like the Jews of old, we desire a king " that we may be like the other nations," this is a very unreason- able requisition. A just and impartial enquirer will be little desirous to see his country placed high in the diplomatical roll, deeply involved in the intrigues of nations, and assiduously courted by foreign princes, as the instrument of their purposes. A more groundless and absurd passion cannot seize upon any people, than that of glory, the preferring their influence in the affairs of the globe, to their internal happiness and virtue; for these objects will perpetually counteract and clash with each other.
But democracy is by no means necessarily of a phlegmatic character, or obliged to take every proposition that is made to i^, ad referendum, for the consideration of certain primary assem- blies, like the states of Holland. The first principle in the insti- tution of government itself, is the necessity, imder the present imperfections of m.ankind, of having some man, or body of men, to act on the part of the whole. Wherever government subsists, the authority of the individual must be, in some degree, super- seded. It does not therefore seem unreasonable, for a representa- OF THE COMPOSITION OF COV£BN¥BJST. 87 wive national assembly to exercise, in certain cases, a disqretionajy power. Those privileges, which are vested in individuals, selected out of the mass by the voice of their fellows, and who will speedily return to a private station, are by no means liable to the same objections, as the exclusive and unsympathetic privileges of an aristocracy. Representation, together with many disad- vantages, has this benefit, that it is able, impartially, and with discernment, to call upon the most enlightened part of the nation to deliberate for the whole, and may thus generate a degree of wisdom, and a refined penetration of sentiment, which it would have been imreasonable to expect as the result of primary assem- blies.
A third objection more frequently offered against democratical government is, " that it is incapable of that mature and deliberate proceeding, which is alone suitable to the decision of such im- portant concerns. Multitudes of men have appeared subject to fits of occasional insanity: they act from the influence of rage, suspicion, and despair: they are liable to be hurried into the most unjustifiable extremes, by the artful practices of an impostor." One of the most obvious answers to this objection is, that for all men to share the privileges of all, is the law of our nature, and the dictate of justice. The case in this instance, is parallel to that of an individual in his private concerns. It is true that, while each man is master of his own affairs, he is liable to the -starts of passion. He is attacked by the allurements of tempta- tion and the tempest of rage, and may be guilty of fatal error, before reflection and judgment come forward to his aid. But this is no sufficient reason for depriving men of the direction of thek own concerns. We should endeavour to make them wise, not to make them slaves. The depriving men of their self-government is, in the first place, unjust, while, in the second, this self-goveminent, imperfect as it is, will be found more salutarj' than anything that can be substituted in its place. — Another answer to this ob- jection will occur in the concluding chapters of the present book.