There is certainly considerable force in this statement; and there is good reason to believe, though the human mind be un- questionably accessible to disinterested motives,t that virtue would be in most instances an impracticable refinement; were it not that self-love and social, however different in themselves, arc found upon strict examination to prescribe the same system of conduct.
But this observation by no means removes the difficulty in- tended to be suggested in the objection. "Though frugality, moderation, and plainness, may be tlie joint dictate of tliese two authorities, yet it is the property of the human mind, to be swayed by things present, more than by things absent. In affairs of religion, we often find men indulging themselves in offences of small gratification, in spite of all the threats that can be held out to them of eternal damnation. It is in vain that, for the most part, you would preach the pleasures of abstinence amidst the profusion of a feast; or the unsubstantialness of fame and power, to him who is tortured with the goadings of ambition. The case is similar to that of the exacerbations of giief, the attempt to euro -which by the consolations of philosophy, has been a source of inexhaustible ridicule."
The answer to these remarks has been anticipated. J The lidicuie lies in supposing the endeavour to cure a man of his weakness, to consist in one phlegmatic and solitary expostulation, instead of conceiving it to be accompanied with the vigour of conscious truth, and the progressive regularity of a course of instruction.
Let us take up the subject in a view, in some degree varying firom that in which it was formerly considered. We have endea- voured to establish, in the commencement of the present book, Ijie principles of justice, relative to the distribution of the goods of fortune. Let us enquire, whetlier the principles there de- livei'ed can be made productive of conviction to the rich; whe- ♦ llait, Ch. X., ver. 21. + Vol. I., Book IV., Chap. X.
THE FRAILTY OP THE HUMAN MIND. 227 ther tliey can be made productive of conviction, in cases not immediately connected with personal interest; and whether they can be made productive of conviction to tlie poor?
Is it possible for a rich man to see, that the costly gratifications in which he indulges, are comparatively of little value, and that he may arrive at every thing that is most essential in happiness or pleasure, by means of the three other sources formerly enume- rated,* subsistence, unexpensive gratifications, and the means of intellectual and moral improvement? Is it possible for him to understand the calculation, " in every glass that he drinks, and every ornament that he annexes to his person," of " how many individualj have been condemned to slavery and sweat, incessant drudgerj', unwholesome food, continual hardships, deplorable ignorance, and brutal insensibility, that he may be supplied with these luxuries?"t Is it possible for a man to have these ideas so repeatedly suggested to his mind, so sti-ongly impressed, and so perpetually haunting him, as fiaaally to induce a rich mcui to- desire, with respect to personal gratifications, to live as if he wei'e a poor one? It is not conceivable but that every one of these questions must be answered in the aifirmative.
Be it observed, by the way, that the motives for a rich man ta live as if he were a poor one, are very inferior now, to what they would be, when a general sympathy upon this subject had taken place, and a general illumination had diffused itself.
If then it be possible for a rich man, from tiie mere appre- hensions of justice, voluntarily to desire to live as if he were a poor one, we shall have still less hesitation in afiirming, that a sentiment of justice in this matter, may be made productive of conviction, in cases not immediately connected with personal interest, and of conviction to the poor.
Undoubtedly an apprehension of the demands of justice in this respect, has some tendency to the instigation of violence and tumult, were we not to suppose the gradual development of this impression to be accompanied with a proportionable improvement of the mind in other respects, and a slow, but incessant, meliora- tion of the institutions and practices of society. With this sup- position, it could not however fail to happen, that, in proportion as the prejudices and ignorance of the great mass of society declined, the credit of wealth, and the reverent admiration with which it is now contemplated, must also decline. But, in pro- portion as it lost credit with the great mass of society, it would relax its hold upon the minds of those who possess it, or have the means of acquiring it. We have already seen, J that the great incitement to the acquisition of wealth, is the love of distinction. Suppose then that, instead of the false glare which wealth, through the present puerility of the human mind, reflects on list possessor, his conduct in amassing and monopolising it, were seen ia its true light. We ^ould not then demand his pimishment 2 Q 228 OBJECTION FROM but we should look on him as a man uninitiated in the plainest sentiments of reason. He would not be pointed at with the finger, or hooted as he passed along through the resorts of men, but he would be conscious that he was looked upon as the meanest of mankind. He would be incited to the same assi- duity in hiding his acquisitions then, as he employs in displaying them now. He would be regarded with no terror, for his con- duct would appear too absurd to excite imitation. Add to which, his acquisitions would be small, as the independent spirit and sound discretion of mankind, would allow but little chance of his being able to retain them in his service, as now, by generously rewarding them with a part of the fruit of their own labours. Thus it appears, with irresistible probability, when the subject of wealth shall be understood, and correct ideas respecting it fami- liarised to the human mind, that the present disparity of con- ditions will subside, by a gradual and incessant progress, into its true level.
CHAP. V.
OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE QUESTION OF PERMANENCE.
Groimds of the objection. — Its serious import. — Nature of the equality under consideration — as produced by a stricter sense of justice — and a purer theory of happiness.
The change we are here contemplating, consists in the dispo- sition of every member of the community, voluntarily to resign that, Avhich would be productive of a much higher degree of benefit and pleasure, when possessed by his neighbour, than when occupied by himself. Undoubtedly, this state of society is remote from the modes of thinking and acting which at present prevail. A long period of time must probably elapse, before it can be brought entirely into practice. All we have been attempt- ing to establish is, that such a state of society is agreeable to reason, and prescribed by justice; and that, of consequence, the progress of science and political truth among mankind, is closely connected with its introduction. The inherent tendency of intel- lect is to improvement. If therefore this inherent tendency be suflered to operate, and no concussion of nature or inundation of barbarism arrest its course, the state of society we have been describing, must, at some time, arrive.
But it has frequently been said, " that if an equality of con- ditions could be introduced to-day, it would be destroyed to- morrow. It is impossible to reduce the varieties of the human mind to such a uniformity, as this system demands. One man THE QUESTION OF PERMANENCE. 229 will be more industrious than another; one man will be provi- dent and avaricious, and another dissipated and thoughtless. Misery and confusion would be the result of an attempt to equa- lise, in the first instance, and the old vices and monopolies would succeed, in the second. All that the rich could purchase by the most generous sacrifice, would be a period of barbarism, from which the ideas and regulations of civil society must recom- mence, as from a new infancy."
Upon this statement, it is first to be remarked, that, if true, it presents to us a pictmre, in the highest degree, melancholy and discouraging. It discovers a disease, to which it is probable there is no remedy. Human knowledge must proceed. What we see and admire, we shall at some time or other seek to attain: Such is the inevitable law of our nature. It is impossible not to see the beauty of equality, and not to be charmed with the benefits it appears to promise. It is impossible not to regret the unbounded mischiefs and distress, that grow out of the opposite system. The consequence is sure. Man, according to these reasoners, is prompted, for some time, to advance with success: but after that, in the very act of pursuing further improvement, he necessarily plunges beyond the compass of his powers, and has his petty career to begin afresh: always pursuing what is beautifiil, always frustrated in his object, always involved in calamities by the very- means he employs to escape them.
Secondly, it is to be observed, that there is a wide difference be- tween the equality here spoken of, and the equality which has frequently constituted a subject of discussion among mankind. This is not an equality introduced by force, or maintained by the laws and regulations of a positive institution. It is not the result of accident, bf the authority of a chief magistrate, or the over- earnest persuasion of a few enlightened thinkers; but is produced by the serious and deliberate conviction of the public at large. It is one thing, for men to be held to a certain system, by tiie force of laws, and the vigilance of those who administer them; and a thing entirely diflferent, to be held by the firm and habitual persuasion of their own minds. We can readily conceive their finding means to elude the former; but it is not so easy to com- prehend a disobedience to the latter. If the force of truth shall be strong enough, gradually to wean men from the most rooted habits, and to introduce a mode of society so remote from that which at present exists, it will also probably be strong enough, to hold them in the course they have commenced, and to prevent the return of vices which have once been extirpated. This probability will be increased, if we recollect the two principles which must have led men into such a system of action; a stricter sense of justice, and a purer theory of happiness.
Equality of conditions cannot begin to assume a fixed appear- ance in human society, till the sentiment becomes deeply im- pressed, as well as widely difiused, that the genuine wants of any man, constitute his only just claim to the ultimate appropriation.
230 OBJECTION FROM and the consumption, of any species of commodity. It must previously be seen, tliat the claims of one man are originally of ihe same extent as the claims of another; and that the only dif- ference -which can arise, must relate to extraordinary infirmity, or the particular object of utility which any individual is engaged in promoting. It must be felt, that the most fundamental and noxious of all kinds of injustice, is for one man actively to with- hold from his neighbours the most indispensible benefits, for the sake of some trivial accommodation to himself. Men who are habituated to these views, can scarcely be tempted to monopo- lise; and the sense of the comraimity respecting him who yields to the temptation, will be so decisive in its tenor, and unequivo- cal in its manifestation, as to afford small encouragement to perseverance or imitation.
A spontaneous equality of conditions, also implies a pur6r tlieory of happiness than has hitherto obtained. IMen will cease to regard with corapiacence, the happiness that consists in splen- dour and ostentation, of which the true object, however disguised, is to insult our neighbours, and to feed our o-vvn Tanitj-, with die recollection of the goods that we possess, and from which, though endowed with an equal claim, they are debarred. They wil! cease to derive pleasure, from the empire to be possessed over others, or the base semiity and terror with which they may address us. They will be contented, for the most part, with the means of healthful existence, and of unexpensive pleasure. They will find the highest gratification m promoting and contemplating the general happiness. They will regard superfluities, absolutely considered, with no impatience of desire; and will abhor the idea of obtaining them through the medium of oppression and injus- tice. This conduct they would be induced to obsen^e, even were their ov.-n gratification only in view; and, instead of repining at (he want of exorbitant indulgences, they will stand astonished, that men could ever have found gratification, in that which was visibly stamped and contaminated with the badge of extortion.
CHAP. VI.
OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE ALLUREMENTS OF SLOTH.
Objection proposed. — Such a state of society preceded by great intellectual imp'-oiement, — The manual labour required will be small. — Univer- sality of the love (f distinction. — Operation of this 7notive under the system in question— finally superseded by a Ifctter motive.
Another objection wliich has been urged against the system which couxrteracts the accumulation of property, is, " that it THE ALLUREMENTS OF SLOTH. 231 would put an end to industry. We behold, in commercial coun- tries, the miracles that are operated by the love of gain. Their inhabitants cover tlie sea with their fleets, astonish mankind by tlie refinements of their ingenuity, hold vast continents in sub- jection, in distant parts of the world, by their arms, are able to defy the most powerful confederacies, and, oppressed with taxes and debts, seem to acquire fresh prosperity under their accumu- lated burthens. Shall we lightly part with a motive which appears so great and stupendous in its influence? Once establish it as a principle in society, that no man is to apply to his personal use more than his necessities require; and every man will be- come indifi'erent to the exertions which now call forth the energy of his faculties. Once establisli it as a principle, that each man, •without being compelled to exert his own powers, is entitled to partake of the superfluity of his neighbour; and indolence mil speedily become universal. Such a society must either starve, or be obliged, in its own defence, to return to that system of monopoly and sordid interest, which theoretical reasoners will for ever arraign to no purpose."
In reply to this objection, the reader must again be reminded, that the equality for which we are pleading, is an equality which would succeed to a state of great intellectual improvement. So bold a revolution cannot take place in human affairs, till tlie general mind has been highly cultivated. Hasty and undigested tumults, may be produced by a superficial idea of equalisation; but it is only a clear and c.tim conviction of justice, of justice mutually to be rendered and received, of happiness to be pro- duced by tlie desertion of our most rooted habits, that can intro- duce an invariable system of this sort. Attempts, withotit this preparation, wiU be productive only of confusion. Theu- effect will be momentary, and a new and more barbarous inequality will succeed. Each man, %nth unaltered appetite, will watch the opportunity, to gratify his love of power or of distinction, by usurping on his inattentive neighbours.
Is it to be believed, then, that a state of so great intellectual improvement can be the forerunner of universal ignorance and brutality? Savages, it is tme, are subject to the weakness of indolence. But civilised and refined states are the theatre of a peculiar activity. It is thought, acuteness of disquisition, and ardour of pursuit, that set the corporeal faculties at work. Thought begets thought. Nothing perhaps can put a stop to the advances of mind but oppression. But here, so far from being oppressed, every man is equal, every man independent and at his ease. It has been observed, that the introduction of a republican government is attended with public enthusiasm and irresistible enterprise. Is it to be beUeved that equality, the tme republi- canism, will be less effectual? It is ti-ue, that in republics this spirit, sooner or later, is found to languish. Republicanism is not a remedy tliat strikes at the root of the evil. Injustice, oppres- sion, and misery, can fmd an abode in those seeming happy seats.
232 OBJECTIONS FROM But what sliall stop the progress of ardour and improvement, where the monopoly of property is unknown?
This argument will be strengthened, if we reflect on the amount of labour that a state of equality will require. What is this quantity of exertion from M^hich tlie objection supposes many individuals to shrink? It is so light as rather to assume ihe guise of agreeable relaxation and gentle exercise, than of labour. In such a community scarcely any one can be expected, in consequence of his situation or avocations, to consider himself as exempted from the obligation to manual industry. There will be no rich man to recline in indolence, and fatten upon the labour of liis fellows. The mathematician, the poet, and the philoso- pher, will derive a new stock of cheerfulness and energy from the recurring labour that makes them feel they are men. There will be no persons devoted to the manufacture of trinkets and luxuries; and none whose ofhce it should be to keep in motion the complicated machine of government, tax-gatherers, beadles, excisemen, tide-waiters, clerks, and secretaries. There will be neither fleets nor armies, neither courtiers nor lacqueys. It is the unnecessary employments that at present occupy the great mass of every civilised nation, while the peasant labours inces- santly to maintain them in a state more pernicious than idleness.
It may be computed, that not more than one twentieth of the inhabitants of England is substantially employed in the labours of agriculture. Add to this that the nature of agriculture is such as to give full occupation in some parts of the year, and to leave other parts comparatively vacant. We may consider the latter as equivalent to a labour which, under the direction of sufficient skill, might suffice, in a simple state of society, for the fabrication of tools, for weaving, and the occupation of tailors, bakers, and butchers. The object in the present state of society, is to mul- tiply labour; in another state, it will be to simplify it. A vast disproportion of the wealth of the community has been thrown into the hands of a few; and ingenuity has been continually upon the stretch, to find ways in which it may be expended. In the feudal times, the great lord invited the poor to come and eat of the produce of his estate, upon condition of wearing his livery, and forming themselves in rank and file to do honour to his Avell- born guests. Now, that exchanges are more fticilitated, he has quitted this inartificial mode, and obliges the men who are main- tained from his income to exert their ingenuity and industry in return. Thus, in the instance just mentioned, he pays the tailor to cut his clothes to pieces, that he may sew them together again, and to decorate them with stitching and various ornaments, without which they would be, in no respect, less convenient and useful. We are imagining, in the present case, a state of the most rigid simplicity.
From the sketch which has been given, it seems by no means impossible, that the labour of every twentieth man in the com- munity would be sufficient to supply to the rest all the absolute THE ALLUBEME^'TS OP SLOTH. 233 necessaries of life. If then this labour, instead of being per- formed by so small a number, ^vore amicably divided among the whole, it would occupy the twentieth part of every man's time. Let us compute that the industi-y of a labouring man engrosses ten hours in every day, which, when we have deducted his hours of rest, recreation, and meals, seems an ample allowance. It fol- lows that half an hour a day, employed in manual labour by every member of the community, would sufficiently supply the whole with necessaries. Who is there that would shrink from this degree of industry? "Who is there that sees the incessant industry exerted in this city and island, and would believe that, with half an hour's industry per diem, the sum of happiness to the community at large might be much greater than at present? Is it possible to contemplate this fair and generous picture of in- dependence and virtue, where every man would have ample leisure for the noblest energies of mind, without feeling our very souls refreshed with admiration and hope?
When we talk of men's sinking into idleness, if they be not excited by the stimulus of gain, we seem to have little con- sidered the motives that at present govern the" human mind. We are deceived by tlie apparent mercenariness of mankind, and imagine that the accumulation of wealth is their great ob- ject. But it has sufficiently appeared, that the present ruling passion of man is the love of distinction.* There is, no doubt, a class in society that is perpetually urged by hunger and need, and has no leisure for motives less gross and material. But is the class next above them less industrious than they? Will any man affirm that the mind of the peasant is as far removed from inaction and sloth, as the mind of the general or the statesman, of the natural philosopher who mascerates himself with perpetual study, or the poet, the bard of Mantua for example, who can never be- lieve that he has sufficiently revised, reconsidered, and polished his compositions?
In reality, those by whom this reasoning has been urged, have mistaken the nature of their own objection. They did not sup- pose that men could be roused into action only by the love of gain; but they conceived that, in a state of equality, men would have notliing to occupy their attention. What degree of truth there is in this idea we shall presently have occasion to es- timate.f Meanwhile, it is sufficiently obvious that the motives which arise from the love of distinction, are by no means cut off by a state of society incompatible with the accumulation of property. Men, no longer able to acquire the esteem, or avoid the contempt, of their neighbours, by circumstances of dress and furniture, will divert the passion for distinction into another channel. They will avoid the reproach of indolence, as carefully as they now avoid the reproach of poverty. The only persons who at present ^34 OBJECTION FROM neglect the effect which their appearance and manners may pro- duce, are those \vhose faces are ground with famine and distresst But, in a state of equal society, no man will he oppressed, and, of consequence, the more delicate affections will have time to expand themselves. The general mind having, as we have already ghown, arrived at a high degree of improvement, the impulse that carries it into action will be stronger. The fervour of pub- lic spirit will be great. Leisure will be multiplied; and the lei- sure of a cultivated understanding is the precise period in which great designs — designs the tendency of which is to secure ap- plause and esteem, — are conceived. In tranquil leisure it is im- possible for any but the sublimcst mind to exist without the pas- sion for distinction. This passion, no longer permitted to lose it- self in indirect chamiels and useless wanderings, will seek the noblest course, and perpetually fructify the seeds of public good. Mind, though it wall perhaps at no time arrive at the termination of its possible discoveries and improvements, will nevertheless advance with a rapidity and firmness of progression, of wliich we are at present miable to conceive the idea.
The love of fame is no doubt a delusion. This, like every other delusion, will take its tmu to be detected and abjured. It is an airy phantom, which will indeed afford us an imperfect pleasure so long as we worship it, but will always, in a consider- able degree, disappoint us, and will not stand the test of exami- nation. We ought to love nothing but a substantial happiness, that kappiness which will bear tlic test of recollection, and which no clearness of perception, and improvement of understanding, will tend to midermine. If there be any principle more substan- tial tlian the rest, it is justice, a principle that rests upon this single postulatum, that man and man are beings of the same nature, and susceptible, imder certain limitations, of the same advantages. Whether the benefit, which is added to the common stock, proceed from you or me, is a pitiful distinction. Fame therefore is an unsubstantial and delusive pursuit. If it signify an opinion entertained of me greater than I deserve, to desire it is vicious. If it be the precise mirror of ray character, it is valuable only as a means, in as much as I shall be able most es- sentially to benefit those who best know tlie extent of my capacity, and the rectitude of my intentions.
The love of fame, when it perishes in minds formed under the g resent system, often gives place to a principle still more repre- ensible. Selfishness is the habit that grows out of monopoly. When therefore selfishness ceases to seek its gratification in pub- lic exertion, it too often narrows into some frigid conception of personal pleasure, perhaps sensual, perhaps intellectual. But this cannot be the process where monopoly is banished. Selfishness has there no kindly circumstances to foster it. Truth, the over- powering truth of general good, then seizes us iiTcsistibly. It is impossible we should want motives, so long as we see clearly how multitudes and ages may be benefitted by our exertions, how THE ALTiTJREMEirrS OF SLOTH. 235 causes and effects are connected in an endless chain, so that no honest effort can be lost, but -will operate to good, centuries after its author is consigned to the grave.* This ^vill be the general passion, and all will be animated by the example of all.
CHAP. VII.
OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM PROM THE EE>-EriTS OF LUXURY.
Nature of the objection. — Extent of its influence. — Luxury a stage to be passed through. — Meanings of the term Uixin-y distinguished. — Ajyplicati'jn, The objections -vve have hitherto examined, attack the practi- cability of a system of equality. But there are not wanting rea- soners, the tendency of whose arguments is to show that, omitting the practicability, it is not even desirable. One of the objections they advance, is as follows.
They lay it down as a maxim, in the first instance, and the truth of this maxim we shall not contend with them, " that refine- ment is better than ignorance. It is better to be a man than a brute. Those attributes therefore, which separate the man from the brute, are most worthy of our affection and cultivation. Ele- gance of taste, refinement of sentiment, depth of pcneti-ation, and largeness of science, are among the noblest ornaments of man. But all these," say they, "are connected with inequality; they are the growth of luxury. It is luxury, by which palaces are built, and cities peopled. It is for the pm-pose of obtaining a share of the luxury which he witnesses in his richer neighbours, tliat the artificer exerts the refinements of his skill. To this cause we are indebted, for the arts of architecture, painting, music and poetry. Art would never have been cultivated, if a .state of inequality had not enabled some men to purchase, and excited others to acquire the talent which was necessary to sell. In a state of equality, we must always have remained, and, with .equality restored, we must again become, barbarians. Thus we see [as In the system of optimismf] disorder, selfishness, mono- .poly and distress, all of them seeming discords, contributing to Uie admirable harmony and magnificence of the whole. The intellectual improvement and enlargement we witness and hope for, was worth purchasing at the expense of partial ujjustice and distress.''^ • Vol. I., Book IV.. Chap. X. + Vo!. I., Book IV., Chap. XI.
t The great champion of this doctrine is Mandcville. It is not however easy to determine, v.hether he is seriously, or only ironically, tlie defender of the picsent system of society. His principal work [Fable of the Bees] is 236 OBJECTION FROM This view of the subject, under various forms, has been very extensive in its effects. It probably contributed to make Rous- seau an advocate of the savage state. Undoubtedly, we must not permit ourselves to think slightly of the mischiefs that ac- crue from a state of inequality. If it be necessary that the great mass of mankind should be condemned to slavery, and, stranger still, to ignorance, that a few may be enlightened, certainly those moralists are not to be blamed, who doubted whether perpetual rudeness were not preferable to such a gift. Fortunately this is by no means the real alternative.