* Shakespear: Macbeth, Act Y.
254 KEFLECTIONS.
Before we dismiss this subject it is proper once again to remind the reader, that the substance of this appendix is given only as matter of probable conjecture, and that the leading argument of this division of the work is altogether independent of its truth or falsehood.
CHAP. X.
REFLECTIOKS.
J. Supposed danger in disseminating levelling principles. — Idea of mas- sacre.— Qualification of this idea. — Sceptical suggestions. — Means of suijpressing enquiry. — Nature of political science. — II. Political duties, 1. of those who are qualified for public instructors — temper — sincerity. — Pernicious effects of dissimulation in this case. — 2. of the rich and great. — Many of them may be expected to be advocates of equality. — Conduct which their interest as a body prescribes. — 3. of the friends of equality in general. — Importance of' a mild and bene- volent proceeding. — III. Connexion between liberty and equality. — Cause of equality xcill perpetually advance. — Symptoms of its pro- gress. — Idea of its future success, — Conclusion.
We have now taken a general survey of the system of equality, and there remains only to state a few incidental remarks, with which it may be proper to wind up the subject.
No idea has excited greater horror in the minds of a multitude of persons, than that of the mischiefs that will ensue from the dissemination of what they call levelling principles. They believe "that these principles will inevitably ferment in the minds of the vulgar, and that the attempt to caiTy tliem into execution will be attended with every species of calamity." They represent to themselves "the uninformed and uncivilised part of mankind, as let loose from restraint, and hurried into every kind of excess. Knowledge and taste, the improvements of intellect, the dis- coveries of sages, the beauties of poetry and art, are trampled under foot and extinguished by barbarians. It is another inun- dation of Goths and Vandals, with this bitter aggravation, that the viper that stings us to death was fostered in our own bosom." They conceive the scene as beginning in massacre. They suppose " all that is great, pre-eminent, and illustrious as ranking among the first \'ictims. Such as are distinguished by peculiar refine- ment of manners, or energy of understanding and virtue, will be the inevitable objects of envy and jealousy. Such as intrepidly exert themselves to succour the persecuted, or to declare to the public what they are least inclined, but is most necessary for them to hear, will be marked out for assassination."
REFLECTIONS. 255 Whatever may be the abstract recommendations of the system of equality, we must not allow ourselves any such partiality upon a subject in which the welfare of the species is involved, as should induce us to shrink from a due attention to the ideas here exhi- bited. Massacre is the too possible attendant upon revolution, and massacre is perhaps the most hateful scene, allowing for its momentary duration, that any imagination can suggest. The fear- ful, hopeless expectation of the defeated, and the blood-hound fury of their conquerors, is a complication of mischief that all which has been told of infernal regions can scarcely surpass. The cold-blooded massacres that are perpetrated under the name of criminal justice, fall short of these in some of their most fright- ful aggravations. The ministers and instruments of law, have by custom reconciled their minds to the dreadful task they perform, and often bear their parts in the most shocking enormities with- out being sensible to the passions allied to these enormities. They do not always accompany their murders with the rudeness of an insulting triumph; and, as they conduct themselves, in a certain sort, by known principles of injustice, the evil we have reason to apprehend has its limits. But the instruments of massacre are discharged from every restraint. Whatever their caprice dictates, tbeir hands are instantly employed to perpetrate. Their eyes emit flashes of cruelty and rage. They pursue their victims from street to street and from house to house. They tear them from the arms of their fathers and their wives. They glut them- selves with barbarity, and utter shouts of horrid joy at the spec- tacle of tortures.
In answer to this representation it has sometimes been alleged by the friends of reform, "that the advantages possessed by a sys- tem of liberty are so great, as to be worth purchasing at any price; that the evils of the most sanguinary revolution are temporary; that the vices of despotism, which few pens indeed have ventured to record in all their demerits, are scarcely less atrocious in the hour of their commission, and infinitely more terrible by their ex- tent and duration; and finally, that the crimes perpetrated in a revolutionary movement, can in no just estimate be imputed to the innovators; that they were engendered by the preceding op- pression, and ought to be regarded as the last struggles of expir- ing tyranny."
But, not to repeat arguments that have already been fully ex- hibited,* it must be recollected, that "the benefits which inno- vation may seem to promise, are not to be regarded as certain. After all, it may not be utterly impossible, that the nature of man will always remain, for the most part, unaltered, and that he will be found incapable of that degree of knowledge and constancy, which seems essential to a liberal democracy or a pure equality. However cogent may be the arguments for the practicability of human improvement, is it then justifiable upon the mere credit of • Vol. I., Book IV., Cap. I., H, 256 PvEFLECTIONS.
predictions, to expose mankind to the greatest calamities? Who that has a just conception of the nature of human understanding, ■will vindicate such a proceeding? A careful enquirer is always detecting his past errors; each year of his life produces a severe comment upon the opinions of tlie last; he suspects all his judg- ments, and is certain of none. We wander in the midst of ap- pearances; and plausible appearances are to be found ou all sides. The wisest men perhaps have generally proved the most confirm- ed sceptics. Speculations therefore upon the new modes in which human affairs may be combined, diffei-ent from any that occur in the history of past ages, may seem fitter to amuse men of acute- ness and leisure, than to be depended on in deciding the dearest interests of mankind. Proceedings, the effects of which have been verified by experience, furnish a surer ground of depend- ence than the most laboured reason can afford us in regard to schemes as yet untried."
Undoubtedly in the views here detailed there is considerable force; and it would be well if persons, who are eager to effect abrupt changes in human society, would give them an attentive consideration. They do not however sufficiently apply to the question proposed to be examined. Our enquiry was not re- specting revolution, but disquisition. We are not concerned to vindicate any species of violence; we do not assume that levelling principles are to be acted upon through the medium of force; "sve have simply affirmed that he who is persuaded of their truth, ought to endeavour to render them a subject of attention. To be convinced of this we have only to consider the enormous and un- questionable political evils that are daily before our eyes, and the probability there is that, by temperate investigation, these evils may be undermined with little or no tumultuary concussion.* In every affair of human life we are obliged to act upon a simple probability; and therefore, while it is highly ■worthy of a con- scientious philanthropist to recollect the universal uncertainty of opinion, he is bound not to abstain from acting, with caution and sobriety, upon the judgments of his understanding, from a fear lest, at the time that he intends to produce benefit, he should un- intentionally be the occasion of evil.
But there is another consideration worthy of serious attention in this place. Granting, for a moment, the utmost weight to the objections of those who remind us of the mischief of political experiments, it is proper to ask, Can we suppress discussion? Can we arrest the progress of the enquiring mind? If w^e can, it must be by the most unmitigated despotism. Intellect has a perpetual tendency to proceed. It cannot be held back, but by a power that counteracts its genuine tendency, through every moment of its existence. Tyrannical and sanguinary must be the measures employed for tliis purpose. Miserable and disgust- ful must be tlie scene they produce. Their result will be bar- » Vol. I., Book IV., Chap. II.
REFLECTIOKS. 257 barism, ignorance, superstilion, servility, hypocrisy. Tliis is the alternative, so far as there is any alternative in their choice, to which those who are empowered to consult for the general welfare must inevitably resort, if the suppression of enquiry be the genuine dictate of public interest.
Such has been, for the most part., the policy of governments tlirough every age of the world. Have we slaves? We assidu- ously retain them in ignorance. Have we colonies and depend- encies? The great effort of our care is to keep them from being populous and prosperous. Have we subjects? It is " by impo- tence and misery that wc endeavour to render them supple: plenty is fit only to make them unmanageable, disobedient and mutinous."* If this were the true philosophy of social institu- tions, well might we shrink from it with horror. How tremendous an abortion would the human species be, if all that tended to / invigorate their understandings, tended to make them unprincipled and profligate! '^ In the mean time it ought not to be forgotten, that to say that a knowledge of political truth can be injurious to the true interests of mankind, is to affirm an express contradiction. Political truth is that science which teaches us to weigh in the balance of an accurate judgment, the different proceedings that may be adopted, for the purpose of giving welfare and prosperity to communities of men. The only way in which discussion can be a reasonable object of terror, is by its power of giving to falsehood, under cer- tain circumstances, the speciousness of truth, or by that partial propagation, the tendency of which is to intoxicate and mislead tliose understandings that, by an adequate instruction, would have been sobered and enlightened.
These considerations will scarcely permit us to doubt, that it is the duty of governments to maintain the most inflexible neutrality, and of individuals to publish the truths with which they appear to be acquainted. The more truth is discovered, the more it is known in its true dimensions, and not in parts, the less is it possible that it should coalesce with, or leave room for tlie efiects of error. The true philanthropist, instead of suppressing discussion, will be eager to take a share in the scene, to exert the full strength of his faculties in investigation, and to contribute by his exertions to render the operation of enquiry at once perspicu- ous and profound.
The condition of the Lumau species at the present hour is critical and alarming. We are not without gi'oimds of reasonable 3iope, that the issue will be uncommonly beneficial. There is however much to apprehend, from the narrow views, and angry passions, of the contending parties. Every interval that can be gained, provided it is not an interval of toi-por and indifference, is perhaps to be considered in the light of an advantage.
* Book v., Chap. III., p. 11. 32.— VOL. II. ft 258 REFLECTIONS.
Meanwhile, in proportion as the just apprehensions of explosion shall increase, there are high duties incumbent upon every branch of the community.
First, upon those who are fitted to be precursors to their fellows in the discovery of truth.
They are bound to be active, indefatigable and disinterested. It is incumbent upon them to abstain from inflammatory language, and expressions of acrimony and resentment. It is absurd in any government to erect itself into a court of criticism in this respect, and to establish a criterion of liberality and decorum;* but, for that very reason, it is doubly incumbent on those Avho communicate their thoughts to the public, to exercise a rigid censure over themselves. The lessons of liberty and equality are lessons of good will to all orders of men. They free the peasant from the iniquity that depresses his mind, and the privi- leged from the luxury and despotism by which he is corrupted. It is disgraceful to those who teach these lessons, if they stain their benignity, by showing that that benignity has not become tlie inmate of their hearts.
Nor is it less necessary that they should express themselves with explicitne&s and sincerity. No maxim can be more sus- picious than that which teaches us to consult the temper of the times, and tell only as much as we imagine our contemporaries will be able to bear, f This practice is at present almost universal, and it will perhaps not be difficult to observe its pernicious effects. We retail and mangle truth. We impart it to our fellows, not with the liberal measure with which we have received it, but with such parsimony as our own miserable prudence may chance to prescribe. That we may deceive others with a tranquil con- science, Ave begin with deceiving ourselves. We put shackles upon our minds, and dare not trust ourselves at large in the pur- suit of truth. This practice seems to have been greatly promoted by the machinations of party, and tlie desire of one wise and adventurous leader to lead a troop of weak, timid and selfish ad- herents in his train. There can scarcely be a sufficient reason, why I should not declare in any assembly upon the face of the earth, " that I am a republican." There is no more reason to ap- prehend that, being a republican under a monarchical government, 1 shall enter into a desperate faction to invade the public tranquillity, than if I were monarchical under a republic. Every community of men, as well as every individual, must govern itself according to its ideas of justice. J What I should desire is, not ty violence to change its institutions, but by discussion to change its ideas. I have no concern, if I would study merely the public good, with factions or intrigue; but simply to promulgate the truth, and to wait the tranquil progress of conviction. If there « Book VI., Chap. VI. + Vol. I., Book III., Chap. VII., p. 115.
i Vol. I., Book III., Chap. VII.; Book IV., Chan. I.
REFLECTIONS. 259 be any assembly that cannot bear this, of such an assembly I ought to be no member. It probably happens, much oftener than we are willing to imagine, that " the post of honour," or, which is better, the post of utility, "is a private station."* The dissimulation here censured, beside its ill efifects upon him who practises it, and, by degrading and unnerving his character, upon society at large, has a particular ill consequence with respect to the point we are considering. It lays a mine, and prepares an explosion. This is the tendency of all unnatural restraint. The unfettered progress of investigation is perhaps always salutary. Its advances are gradual, and each step prepares the general mind for that which is to follow. They are sudden and unpre- pared, and therefore necessarily partial, emanations of truth, that have the greatest tendency to deprive men of their sobriety and self-command. Reserve in this respect is calculated, at once, to give a rugged and angry tone to the multitude, whenever they shall happen to discover what is thus concealed, and to mislead the depositaries of political power. It soothes them into false security, and prompts them to maintain an inauspicious obstinacy.
Having considered what it is that belongs in such a crisis to the enlightened and wise, let us next turn our attention to a very different class of society, the rich and great. And here, in the first place, it may be remarked, that it is a false calculation that leads us universally to despair of having these for the advocates of political justice. Mankind are not so miserably selfish as satirists and courtiers have supposed. We perhaps never engage in any action of moment, without having enquired what is the decision of justice respecting it. We are at all times anxious to satisfy ourselves that what our inclinations lead us to do, is inno- cent and right to be done.f Since therefore justice occupies so large a share in the contemplations of the human mind, it cannot reasonably be doubted, that a strong and commanding view of justice, would prove a powerful motive to influence the choice of that description of men we are now considering. But that virtue which, for whatever reason, we have chosen, soon becomes re- commended to us by a thousand other reasons. We find in it reputation, honour, and self-complacence, in addition to the recommendations it derives from impartial justice.
The rich and gi-eat are for from callous to views of general felicity, when such views are brought before them with that evi- dence and attraction of which they are susceptible. From one dreadful disadvantage their minds arc free. They have not been soured with unrelenting tyranny, or narrowed by the perpetual pressure of distress. They are peculiarly qualified to judge of the emptiness of that pomp and those gratifications, which are always most admired when they are seen from a distance. They will frequently be fovmd considerably indifferent to these things, s2 "260 REFLECTIONS.
unless confirmed by habit and rendered inveterate by age. If you show them the attractions of gallantry and magnanimity in resigning them, they will often be resigned without reluctance. Wherever accident of any sort has introduced an active mind, there enterprise is a necessary consequence; and there are few persons so inactive, as to sit down for ever in the supine enjoy- ment of the indulgences to which they were born. The same spirit that has led forth the young nobility of successive ages to encounter the hardships of a camp, might render them the cham- pions of the cause of equality: nor is it to be believed, that the consideration of superior virtue in this latter exertion, will be without its effect.
But let us suppose a considerable party of the rich and great to be actuated by no view but to their emolument and ease. It is not difficult to show them, that their interest in this sense will admit of no more than a temperate and yielding resistance. To such we may say: " It is in vain for you to fight against truth. It is like endeavouring with the human hand to stop the inroad of the ocean. Be wise betimes. Seek your safety in concession. If you will not come over to the standard of political justice, temporise at least with an enemy whom you cannot overcome. IMuch, inexpressibly much depends upon you. If your proceed- ings be moderate and judicious, it is not probable that you will suffer the privation, even of that injurious indulgence and accom- modation to which you are so strongly attached. The genuine progress of political improvement is kind and attentive to the sentiments of all. It changes the opinions of men by insensible degrees; produces nothing by shock and abruptness; and is far from requiring the calamity of any. Confiscation, and the pro- scription of bodies of men, form no branch of its story. These evils, which by wise and sober men will always be regi-etted, will in all probability never occur, unless brought on by your indiscretion and obstinacy. Even in the very tempest and fury of •explosion, if such an event shall arise, it may perhaps still be in your power to make advantageous conditions, and to be little or nothing suff'erers by the change.
"Above all, do not be lulled into a rash and headlong security. Do not imagine that innovation is not at hand; or that the spirit of innovation can be defeated. We have already seen* how much the hypocrisy and instability of the wise and enlightened of ■the present day, tliose who confess much, and have a confused view of still more, but dare not examine the whole with a steady and unshrinking eye, are calculated to increase this security. But there is a danger still more palpable. Do not be misled by the unthinking and seemingly general cry of those who have no fixed principles. Addresses have been found in every age a very uncertain criterion of the future conduct of a people. Do ♦ P. 258.
REFLECTIONS. 26 1 not count upon the numerous train of your adherents, retainers and servants. They afford a feeble dependence. They are men, and cannot be imconcerned as to the interests and claims of man- kind. Some of them will adhere to you, as long as a sordid interest seems to draw them in that direction. But the moment yours shall appear to be the losing cause, the same interest will carry them over to the enemy's standard. They will disap- pear like the morning's mist.
"Can it be supposed that you are incapable of receiving impression from another argument? Will you feel no compunc- tion at the thought of resisting the greatest of all benefits? Are you content to be regarded by your impartial contemporaries, and to be recollected, as long as your memory shall endure, as the obstinate adversaries of philanthropy and justice? Can you reconcile it to your own minds, that, for a sordid interest, for the cause of general corruption and abuse, you should be found active in stifling truth, and strangling the new-born happiness of mankind?" Would it were possible to make this argument felt by the enlightened and accomplished advocates of aristocracy! that they could be persuaded to consult neither passion, nor pre- judice, nor the reveries of imagination, in deciding so momentous a question! "We know," I would say, "that truth will be triumphant, even though you refuse to be her ally. We do not fear your enmity. But our hearts bleed to see such gallantry, talents and virtue employed in perpetuating the calamities of mankind. We recollect with grief that, when the lustre of your merits shall fill distant generations with astonishment, they will not be less astonished, that you could be made the dupes of prejudice, and deliberately surrender the larger portion of the good you might have achieved, and the unqualified affection that might have pursued your memory."* • WhOe this sheet is in the press foi- the third impression, I receive the in- telligence of the death of Burke, who was principally in the author's mind, while he penned the preceding sentences. In all that is most exalted- in talents, I regard him as the inferior of no man that ever adorned the face of earth; and, in the long record of human genius, I can find for him very few equals. In subtilty of discrimination, in magnitude of conception, in sa- gacity and profoundness of judgment, he was never surpassed. But his cha- racteristic excellencies were vi\'idness and justness of painting, and that boundless wealth of imagination that adorned the most ungratefvd subjects, and heightened the most interesting. Of this wealth he was too lavish; and, though it is impossible for the man of taste not to derive gratification from almost every one of his images and metaphors while it passes before him, yet their exuberance subtracts, in no inconsiderable degree, from that irresisti- bleness and rapidity of general effect, which is the highest excellence of com- position. No impartial man can recal Burke to his mind, without confessing the grandeur and integrity of his feelings of morality, and being convinced that he was eminently both the patriot and the philanthropist. His excellen- cies however were somewhat tinctured with a vein of dark and saturnine temper; so that the same man strangely united a degree of the rude charac- ter of his native island, with an urbanity and a susceptibility of the kinder aflFections, that have rarely been paralleled. But his principal defect consisted in this; that the false estimate as to the things entitled to our deference -^nd