262 REFLECTIONS.
To the general mass of the adherents of equalky, it may be proper to address a few words. "If there be any force in the arguments of this work, we seem authorised to deduce thus much from them, that truth is irresistible. Let then tliis axiom be the rudder of our undertakings. Let us not precipitately endeavour to accomplish that to-day, Avhich the dis- semination of truth will make unavoidable to-morrow. Let-i us not over-anxiously watch for occasions and events: of parti- cular events the ascendancy of truth is independent. Let us anxiously refrain from violence: force is not conviction, and is extremely unworthy of the cause of justice. Let us admit into our bosoms neither contempt, animosity, resentment nor revenge. The cause of justice is the cause of humanity. Itsi' advocates should be penetrated Avith universal good-will. We' should love this cause; for it conduces to the general happir ness of mankind. "We should love it; for there is not a man that lives, who, in the natural and tranquil progress of things, will not be made happier by its approach. The most powerfiA circumstance by which it has been retarded, is the mistake of its adherents, the air of ruggedness, brutishness and inflexibility which they have given to that which, in itself, is all benig- nity. Nothing less than this could have prevented the great mass of enquirers from bestowing upon it a patient examination. Be it the care of the now increasing advocates of equality, to remove this obstacle to the success of their cause. We have but two plain duties, which, if we set out right, it is not easy to mistake. The first is an unwearied attention to the great instrument of justice, reason. We should communicate our sentiments with the utmost frankness. We should endeavour to press them upon the attention of others. In this we should give way to no discouragement. We should sharpen our intel- lectual weapons; add to the stock of our knowledge; be per- vaded with a sense of the magnitude of our cause; and per- petually add to that calm presence of mind and self-possession which must enable us to do justice to our principles. Our second duty is tranquillity."
It will not be right to pass over a question that will inevitably suggest itself to the mind of the reader. " If an equalisation of conditions be to take place, not by law, regulation or public in- stitution, but only through the private conviction of individuals, admiration, which could alone render the aristocracy with whom he lived, un- just to his worth, in some degfiee infected his own mind. He therefore sought wealth and plunged in expense, instead of cultivating the simplicity of inde- pendence; and he entangled l.imself with a petty combination of politi- cal men, instead of reserving his illustrious talents unwarped, for the advance- ment of intellect, and the service of mankind. He has uufortimately left us a memorable exnmple, of the power of a corrupt system of government, to un- dermine and divert from their genuine purposes, the noblest faciUties *4hat have yet been exhibited to the ob6er\ation of the world.
BSFOCTIONS^f 263.
BSFOCTIONS^f 263.
iu wliat manner shall it begin?" In answering this question it is not necessary to prove so simple a proposition, as that all repub- licanism, all reduction of ranks and immunities, strongly tends towards an equalisation of conditions. If men go on to improve in discernment, and this they certainly will with peculiar rapidity, •when the ill-constructed governments which now retard their progress arc removed, the same arguments which showed them the injustice of ranks, will show them the injustice of one man's wanting that which, while it is in the possession of another, conduces in no respect to his well-being.
It is a common error to imagine, "that this injustice will be felt only by the lower orders who suffer from it;" and from thence to conclude "that it can only be corrected by violence." But in answer to this it may, in the first place, be observed that all suffer from it, the rich who engross, as well as the poor who want. Secondly, it has been endeavoured to be shown in the course of the present work,* that men are not so en- tirely governed by self-interest, as has frequently been supposed. It appears, if possible, still more clearly, that the selfish are not governed solely by sensual gratification or the love of gain, but that the desire of eminence and distinction is, in different forms, an universal passion.f Thirdly and principally, the pro- gress of truth is the most powerful of all causes. Nothing can be more improbable than to imagine, that theory, in the best sense of the word, is not essentially connected with practice. Thatwhicli we can be persuaded clearly and distinctly to approve, will inevitably modify our conduct. When men shall habitually per- ceive the folly of individual splendour, and when their neighbours are impressed with a similar disdain, it will be impossible they should pursue the means of it with the same avidity as before.
It will not be difficult to trace, in the progress of modem Europe from barbarism to refinement, a tendency towards the equalisation of conditions. In the feudal times, as now iu India and other parts of the world, men were born to a certain station, and it was nearly impossible for a peasant to rise to the rank of a noble. Except the nobles, there were no men that were rich; for commerce, either external or internal, had scarcely an existence. Commerce was one engine for throwing down this seemingly im- pregnable barrier, and shocking the prejudices of nobles, who were sufficiently willing to believe that their retainers were a dif- ferent species of beings from themselves. Learning was another and more powerful engine. In all ages of the church we see men of the basest origin rising to the highest eminence. Com- merce proved that others could rise to wealth beside those who were cased in mail; but learning proved that the low-born were capable of surpassing tlieir lords. The progressive effect of these 264 REFLECTIONS.
ideas may easily be traced. Long after learning began to unfold its powers, its votaries still submitted to those obsequious manners and servile dedications, which no man reviews at the present day •without astonishment. It is but lately that men have known that intellectual excellence can accomplish its purposes without a patron. At present, among the civilised and "well informed, a man of slender income, but of great intellectual powers and a firm and virtuous mind, is constantly received with attention and deference; and his purse-proud neighbour who should attempt to treat him superciliously, is sure to encounter a general disappro- bation. The inhabitants of distant villages, where long esta- blished prejudices are slowly destroyed, would bo astonished to see how comparatively small a share wealth has in determining the degree of attention with which men are treated in enlightened circles.
These no doubt are but slight indications. It is with morality in this respect as it is with politics. The progress is at first so slow as, for the most part, to elude the observation of mankind; nor can it be adequately perceived but by the contemplation and comparison of events during a considerable portion of time. After a certain interval the scene is more fully unfolded, and the advances appear more rapid and decisive. While -svealth was every thing, it was to be expected that men would acquire it, though at the expense of conscience and integrity. The abstract ideas of justice had not yet been so concentred as to be able to overpower what dazzles the eye. or promises a momentary grati- fication. In proportion as tiie monopolies of rank and corpora- tion are abolished, the value of superfluities will decline. In pro- portion as republicanism gains ground, men will be estimated for what they are, and not for their accidental appendages.
Let us reflect on the gradual consequences of this revolution of opinion. Liberality of dealing will be among its earliest results; and, of consequence, accumulation will become less frequent and enormous. Men will not be disposed, as now, to take advantage of each other's distresses. They will not consider how much they can extort, but how much it is reasonable to require. The mas- ter-tradesman who employs labourers under him, will be disposed to give a more ample reward to their industry; which he is at pre- sent enabled to tax, chiefly by the accidental advantage of pos- sessing a capital. Liberality on the part of his employer will complete in the mind of the artisan, what ideas of political jus- tice will probably have begun. He will no longer spend the sur- plus of his earnings in that dissipation, which is one of the prin- cipal of those causes that at present subject him to the arbitrary pleasure of a superior. He will escape from the irresolution of slavery and the fetters of despair, and perceive that independence and ease are scarcely less within his reach than that of any other member of the community. This is an obvious step towards the still further progression, in which the labourer will receive entire BEFLECTIONS.
2^6 BEFLECTIONS.
2^6 whatever the consumer may be required to pay, without having a capitalist, an idle and useless monopoliser, as he will tlienbe found, to fatten upon his spoils.
The same sentiments that lead to liberality of dealing will also lead to liberality of distribution. The trader, who is unwilling to grow rich by extorting from his customers or his workmen, will also refuse to become rich by the not inferior injustice, of with- holding from his indigent neighbour the gratuitous supply of which he stands in need. The habit which was created in the former case of being contented with moderate gains, is closely connected with the habit of being contented with slender accu- mulation. He that is not anxious to add to his heap, will not be reluctant by a benevolent distiibution to prevent its increase. Wealth was at one period almost the single object of piirsuit that presented itself to the gross and uncultivated mind. Various ob- jects will hereafter divide men's attention, the love of liberty, the love of equality, the pursuits of art, and the desire of knowledge. These objects will not, as now, be confined to a few, but will gradually be laid open to all. The love of liberty obviously leads to a sentiment of union, and a disposition to sympathise in the concerns of others. The general diffusion of truth will be pro- ductive of general improvement; and men will daily approximate towards those views according to which every object will be ap- preciated at its true value. Add to which, that the improvement of which we speak is public, and not individual. The progress is the progress of all. Each man will find his sentiments of jus- tice and rectitude echoed by the sentiments of his neighbours. Apostacy will be made eminently improbable, because the apostate will incur not only his own censure, but the censure of every be- holder.
One objection may perhaps be inferred from these considera- tions. " If the inevitable progress of improvement insensibly lead towards equality, what need was there of proposing it as a specific object to men's consideration?" The answer to this objection is easy. The improvement in question consists in a knowledge of truth. But our knowledge will be very imperfect, so long as this great branch of universal justice fails to constitite a part of it. All truth is useful; can this truth, which is perhaps the most fundamental of all moral principles, be without its benefit? Whatever be the object towards which mind irresistibly ad- vances, it is of no mean importance to us to have a distinct view of tliat object. Our advances will thus become accelerated. It \ is a well known principle of morality, " that he who proposes i perfection to himself, though he will inevitably fall short of what he pursues, will make a more rapid progress than he who is con- tented to aim only at what is imperfect." The benefits to be de- rived in the interval from a view of equality as one of the great objects to which we are tending, are exceedingly conspicuous. Such a view will sf ongly conduce to make us disinterested now.
will teach us to look with contempt upon mercantile specula- 26$ REFLEC»riONS.
tions, commercial prosperity, and tlic cares of gain. It will im- press us with a just apprehension of what it is of which man is capable, and in which his perfection consists; and will fix our ambition and activity upon the worthiest objects. Intellect can- not arrive at any gi-eat and illustrious attainment, however much the nature of intellect may carry us towards it, without feeling some presages of its approach; and it is reasonable to believe that, the earlier these presages are introduced, and the more dis- tinct they are made, the more auspicious will be the event.
•,^^^.
THE END.
J.-IS'atgon, Printer aud Publisher, 5, Paul's Alley, Paternoster Bow.
INDEX A.
Abstraction, inseparable from the existence of mind, i. 53 Neces- sary to the formation of language, and assisted by language in return, 54.
Abuses, political, conviction of the understanding an adequate means of abolishing them, i. 131.
Achilks, ii. 252.
Action, voluntary and involuntary distinguished, i. 27, 179, 201. ii. 251. Voluntary actions originate in opinions, i. 28, 131, 182. Virtuous action defined, 71. Injurious actions often proceed from conscientious motives, 73. Actions of men regulated by the nature of things, 81. By positive institution, 81. Action considered in relation to the doctrine of necessity, 1 83. External action no proper subject of criminal animadversion, ii. 167 Addresses an equivocal mode of collecting the sense of a nation, i. 92. An uncertain criterion of the future conduct of a people, ii. 260.
Administration, quantity of, necessary for social benefit, ii. 91.
Admonition, right of giving it, considered, i. 77, Adversity, school of, ii. 4. Its supposed uses, 163. Defective, 164. Unnecessary, 164.
AgincQurt, see Cressy.
Alfred, ii. 4.
Alliance, see Treaties.
Alphabetical writing, difficu.ty of its invention, i. 55. Probable manner in which an alphabet was produced, 56.
Ambition, attainments to which it leads, i. 152.
Ambition of princes, its destructive nature, ii. 223.
Amphictyonic council, ii. 100.
Anarchy, its evils, ii. 176. Its disadvantages compared with the disadvantages of despotism, 177. Its final result, 177.
Anaxarchus, i. 38.
Aquinas, Thomas, ii. 143.
Ardour, considered in relation to the doctrine of necessity, i, 186.
Aristides, ii. 57.
Aristocracy, source of the system of, i. 145. Principles in oppo- sition to it stated, 146. Similar in its effects to the monarchical system, ii. 40, Nature and moral tendency of aristocracy. 43, 45. Species of injustice created by it, 46. Its intolerance, 50. De- pendent for its success upon the ignorance of the multitude, 50.
268 INDEX.
Precautions necessary for its support, 50. Different kinds of aristocracy, 51. Virtues and vices of the aristocracy of the RoHians, 51, 52. Aristocratical distribution of property, 53. Regulations by which it is maintained, 54. Avarice it engen« ders, ib.
'Artisan, his happiness estimated, i. 211. Conduct that will be observed by him in a more equal state of society, ii. 265.
Assassinatioyi, nature of, described, i. 144.
Asse7nblies, deliberative, regal prerogative of convoking, ii. 39. Advantages of deliberate proceeding, 89. Authority due to a representative assembly, 86. Institution of two houses of as- sembly unjust, 87. National assemblies estimated, 96. Politi- cal authority of a national assembly, 100. French national assembly of 1789, 136.
Association of ideas, see Ideas.
Associatiofis, political, arguments in favour of, stated, i. 136. Answered, 137. They substitute a part for the whole, ib. Are attended with party spirit, 137. With passionate declamation, 139. With cabal, ib. With contentious disputes, ib. With restlessness, 140 With tumult, ib. Exceptions in favour of associations, 141.
Athens, democracy of, ii. 57. In what respect erroneous, 58.
Attila, i. 43.
Aversion, considered in relation to the doctrine of necessity, i. 186.
Auru7igzebe, i. 5.
Authority, the correlative of obedience, three kinds of, i. 109. Fallibility of the men by whom authority is exercised, ii. 118.
B Bacchus, i. 4.
Bacon, lord, ii. 249 note.
Ballot, decision by, inculcates timidity and hypocrisy, ii. 152.
Banishment, different kinds of, considered, ii. 186, 187.
Bartholomew, Saint, massacre of, i. 5, 72.
Belief, mutability of the principle of, i. 73.
Becket, archbishop, i. 73.
Bellarmine, ii. 143.
Benevolence, system of, examined, i. 200. Origin of benevolence, 202. Tendency of the system of benevolence contrasted with that of self-love, 207. Happiness of the man of benevolence estimated, 212, 213. Benevolence the surest source of cheerful- ness, ii. 250.
Berkeley, i. 13 note.
Birth, considered physically, ii 42. Morally, 43, Blame, considered in relation to the doctrine of necessity, i. 187.
Blood, thought the cause of its circulation, i. 199, ii. 251.
BoUrig'roke, see St. John.
Boohs, see Conversation.
INDEX. 2<6^ Breed, difference of its effects in animals and men to be ascribed to moral causes, i. 20.
Burghers of the Netherlands, instance of their honourable po- verty, ii. 150.
C.
Capacitif in inanimate substances, i. 71. In man, i6. Cafo, i.'66, 154. ii. 106, 116.
Character, salutary effects of its unrestrained investigation, ii, 131, Charlemagne, i. 5.
Cheerfulness, habit of, favourable to corporeal vigour, ii. 250. Be- nevolence its surest source, ih. China, still makes use of hieroglyphical writing, i. 54. Chivalry, ii. 45. Christ, 'ii. 117.
Church of England, subscription of its clergy to the 39 articles, ii. 112. Subterfuges by which it is defended, 113. '\- Clerkemcell, new prison of, ii. 187 note. Clement, Jaques, i. 72. Clergy, see Church Establishments.
Climate, no obstacle to the introduction of liberty, i. 46. Ex- amples proving how little influence it has on the characters of nations, 48. Codrus, i. 66.
Coercwi, its tendency, ii. 160, 164. Its various classes, 161. Co- ercion in the case of self-defence, considered, 162, 175. Duty of the community as to the coercion of its members, 174. Duty of individuals, ib. Of coercion as to property, 212, ib. Coke, chief justice, ii. 143. Cohabitation, its evils, ii. 243. Collins, i. 43.
Colonies, right of possessing them considered, ii. 79 Colonization see Banishment. Commerce, interference of government with it superfluous, ii. 107.
Instrumental in abolishing the feudal system, ^263. Commerce, promiscuous, of the sexes, estimated, ii. 244. Commons, English house of, ii. 89. Communication, social, utility of i. 140. Communities, rights of, i. 78. Complacence, considered in relation to the doctrine of necessity, i. 186. Condorcet, ii. 249 note.
270 INDEX.
Confedei'acy, as the substitute of legislative unity, considered, ii. 141, Confidence, a species of obedience, i. 107. Necessity of guarding against it, 108. Its limitations, 110. In all cases the offsspring of ignorance, 112.
Conscience, province of, i. 83. Tendency of interfering with it, 84. Conscience, in matters of religion, considered, ii. 158. In the conduct of life, ib.
Constitutions, distinction of fundamental and temporary laws, ii. 135. Supposed permanence of the former inconsistent with the nature of man, 136. Source of the error, ih. Absurdity of the system of permanence, 137. Its futility, 138. Mode to be pursued in framing a constitution, ib. Constituent laws not more important than others, ib. Consent of districts to a constitution, 139. Tendency of the principle which requires this consent, to reduce the number of constitutional articles, 140. To parcel out the legislative power, ib. To produce the gradual extinction of law, ib.
Constraint, its limitation, ii. 94.
Contributions, military, condemned, ii. 78.
Conversation, advantage of, compared with books, i. 141.
Conviction, the proper instrument for regulating actions, i. 33. An adequate means of demolishing political abuses, 131. Its pro- gress not tardy and feeble, 132.
Co-operation, its evils, ii. 240. Limits and legitimate province of the future state of co-operation, 242.
Corruption, see Venality.
Country, erroneous ideas annexed to the term, ii. 70 Courts, duplicity of, ii. 20.
Cressy and Agincourt, wars of, i. 5.
Crime, nature of, ii. 155.
Criminals, disadvantages attending them in a court of justice, ii. 171. Manner in which they ought to be treated, 182.
Cromwell, i. 89.
Cyrus, i. 4.
D.
Damiens, i. 6, 72.
Darius, i. 4.
Death, punishment of, see Punishment.
Decius, i. 66.
Decrepitude, its causes, ii. 250.
Degeneracy, political, not incurable, ii. 106.
Delegation, vindicated, i. 102. Different from the doctrine of social contract, 104, Democracy, definition of, ii. 55. Supposed evils of this form of government, iu the ascendancy of the ignorant, ib. Of the crafty, ib. In its inconstancy, 56. Rash confidence, ib. Ground- less suspicion, ib. Its merits and demerits compared, 57. Ita jnoral tendency, ib. Offensive war contrary to its nature, 6&.
INDEX. 271 INDEX. 271 Objections to it as being unfavourable to secrecy in the conduct of war, 85. As being too slow in its movement-s, 86. Too pre- cipitate, 87. Modifications of democracy, 99. Democracy of ^ Athens, ii. 57.
Desert, force of the term, ii. 156.
Despotism, its character according to Locke, i. 7. Idea, that it is congenial to certain ages and divisions of the world, refuted, 49. Its disadvantages compared with the disadvantages of anarchy, ii. 176, 177.
Devil, Milton's, how far a virtuous being, i. 154.
Diogenes, ii. 5.
Discretion, rights of, considered, i. 79.
Dissimulation of political opinions, its pernicious effects, ii. 259.
Distinction, love of, ii. 205. Direction it is capable of receiving, 205, 227. Universality of the passion, 233, 263.
Dreams, manner in which they are generated, i. 199.
Dry den, i. 155.
Duelling, reflections on, i. 66.
Duration, measured by consciousness, i. 196.
Duty, defined, i. 70,74. ii. 181. Never our duty to do wrong, i. 74.- Duty of a citizen to the constitution of his country, 126. Best practical criterion of duty, ii. 159. Duty of a community, as to- the coercion of its members, 174. Of individuals ib. Political duties of those who are fitted for public instructors, 258. Poli- tical duties of the rich and great, 259.
E.
Education, its effect in the formation of the human mind, i. 19. In what its miscarriages originate, 20, 22. Three kinds of educa- tion, of accident, 22. Of design, 22. Of political institution, 23. Education of the great, ii. 43, 44. Effect of the abolition of marriage on education, ii. 244.
T^ducation, national, arguments in favour of, stated, ii. 142. Con- demned, as producing permanence of opinion, 142. As requiring uniformity of operation, 144. As being the mirror and too! of national government, 144.
Elizabeth, ii. 4, 164.
Emotion, sudden, revolutions occasioned by it in the human frame, ii. 249, 250.
England, its wars, i. 5. Its poorand poor rates, 8. Decrease of its land tax compared with the increasing taxes on consumption, 10. Its revolution in 1688, 129. ii. 31. Rent-roll of the lands of England a pension list, 220.
Enquiry, speculative, interference of government respecting i(^ superfluous, ii. 107. Difficulty of suppressing it, 256, Entails, origin of, ii. 46.
Epictetus, i. 154.
272 INDEX.
Epicurus, principle of his philosophy examined, i. 210. ii. 20i.
Equality of mankind, considered physically, i. 68. Morally, 69. How limited, 69. True equality of mankind, 213. Benefits Oi a system of equality contrasted with the mischiefs of the present system cf property, ii. 218. Objections to a system of equality from its impracticability, stated, 226. Answered, 226. Further objection from the question of permanence, 227. Nature of the equality recommended, 229. Objection from the allurements of sloth, 230. State of society previous to the introduction of equality, 231. Manual labour required in a state of equality, 231, 237, 241. Love of distinction not destroyed by equality, 233. Objection to equality from the benefits of luxury, 235. From the inflexibility of its restrictions, 238. Common labour, meals and magazines, in a state of equality not necessary, 239. Further objection from the principle of population, 247. Duty of the friends of equality, 262. Connexion between equality and liberty, ib. Cause of equality will perpetually advance, 263. Symptoms of its progress, 263. Idea of its future success, 264. Benefits that will result from keeping it in our view, 265, 266.
Establishments, religious, their general tendency, ii. 112. Their effect on the clergy, as introducing implicit faith, 112. Hypo- crisy, 113. Effect on the laity, 114. Public establishments ob- jected to, as including the idea of permanence, 143.
Endamidas, ii. 149.
Evidence, difficulties to which it is liable, ii. 170, 171, 189.
Evil, defined, i. 95, 209. Evils existing in the universe dis- played, 216.
Executive power, see Legislative.
Exertion, considered in relation to the doctrine of necessity, i, 185.
Experience, its value in the attainment of wisdom, ii. 6.
F.
Fahius, ii. 82.
Faith, opinion of certain religionists respecting, i. 28. Opinion of Shaftesbury, 29.
Fame, love of, ii. 234.
Family affection estimated, i. 60.
Fielding, ii. 15.
Fines, whence derived, ii. 177.
Force, see Opinion, Sophistry, Truth.
Fortifications, their advantages doubtful, ii, 76.
Fortitude, an essential part of virtue, ii. 5.
France, its wars, i. 5, Events that gave birth to its late revolu- tion, 134. Its declaration of war in 1792, ii. 72 note. Its not- ables of 1787, 88. Its federal oath, 123, 124, ib. Its national assembly of 1789, 136. Its convention of 1792, 138.
Fraiiklin, ii. 241.
Fraiiklin, ii. 241.
Fraud, see Robbery.
INDEX. 273 Frederic II. of Prussia, ii. 164.
Free will, origin and universality of the sentiment, i. 177. Ita absurdity as consisting in self determination, 179. In indif- ference, 179. Free will disadvantageous to its possessor, 183. Of no service to moralitv, 183.
G GALILEO, ii. 86.
Game laws, their oppressive nature, i. 10.
Gengiskan, i. 5.
Genlis, madame de, ii. 8, 25.
Gerard, i. 72.
Germany, thirty years war of, i. 5.
Glory, national, ii. 86, 91.
Good and evil, defined, i. 209. Principle of the Stoics respecting them examined, 210.
Government, its negative character according to Sydney and Locke, i. 2. Extent of its influence illustrated from the evils of political society, 2, 3. From the spirit of its institutions, 7. From the share it occupies in the education of every human being, 23. By certain English writers its form held of more import- ance than its principle, 58. Consequences of this mistake, ib. iU Distinction between government and society, 58. Govern- ment founded in opinion, 46, 68, 113, 120. Diflerent hypotheses as to its true foundation, 88. Common deliberation, its true foundation, 102. Founded in ignorance, 112. Question whether one form ought to be prescribed to all nations, examined, 114. Qualifications of this principle, 115. Government the enemy of change, 116. No scheme of government perfect or final, 127. Abstractedly considered an evil, ii. 2, 103. Composition of government, 87. Complication of government unnecessary, 92. Its two purposes, police, 94. And defence, 95. All government a tyranny, 98. Its dissolution, 100. Its superintendence of opinion, see Opi7iion, Governments, no more than individuals, infallible, 118.