Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. sub _Signa Militaria_.]
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
The Greeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Ariæus resolves to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus, who incites him to make an attempt on the throne of Persia.
Artaxerxes sends a message to the Greeks; their reply.
1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when he undertook his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, what occurred in his march up the country, how the battle took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how the Greeks returned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that they were completely victorious, and that Cyrus was still alive, has been related in the preceding book.
2. When it was day, the generals met together, and expressed their surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person to give directions how they should act, nor had made his appearance himself. It seemed best to them, therefore, to pack up what baggage they had, and, arming themselves, to march forward till they could effect a junction with Cyrus. 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, (who was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedæmonian,) and with him Glus, the son of Tamos, who told them that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariæus, having fled, was, with the rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they started the day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks that day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he said, he should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come.
4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other Greeks, on learning it from them,[80] were grievously afflicted; and Clearchus spoke thus: "Would that Cyrus were still alive; but since he is no more, carry back word to Ariæus, that we at least are victorious over the king, and that, as you see, no enemy any longer offers us battle; and if you had not come, we should have marched against the king; and we promise Ariæus that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the royal throne: for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule." 5.
Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with them Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian, and Menon the Thessalian; for Menon himself desired to go, as he was connected with Ariæus by ties of friendship and hospitality.
6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited where he was; and the troops supplied themselves with food, as well as they could, from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, slaughtering their oxen and asses; and, going a little way in front of the line, to the place where the battle was fought, they collected and used as fuel, not only the arrows, which lay in great quantities, and which the Greeks had compelled the deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wicker shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians; and there were also many other light shields, and waggons emptied of their contents[81] to be taken away; using all which materials to cook the meat, they appeased their hunger for that day.
7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon,[82] when some heralds arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of them Barbarians, except one, a Greek named Phalinus, who chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and was highly esteemed by him, for he had pretensions to skill in the arrangement of troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These persons having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders of the Greeks, told them, "that the king, since he had gained the victory and slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver up their arms, and go to the gates of the king,[83] and try to obtain, if they could, some favour from him." 9. Thus spoke the king's heralds; and the Greeks heard them with no small concern: but Clearchus only said, "that it was not the part of conquerors to deliver up their arms; but," he continued, "do you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as you think most honourable and proper; and I will return immediately;" for one of the attendants just then called him away to inspect the entrails which had been taken out of the victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice.
10. Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that "they would die before they would deliver up their arms." "For my part," said Proxenus the Theban, "I wonder, Phalinus, whether it is as conqueror that the king asks for our arms, or as gifts in friendship; for if as conqueror, why should he ask for them at all, and not rather come and take them? But if he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion, let him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him in this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king considers himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. For who is there now that disputes the sovereignty with him? And he also looks upon yourselves as his captives, having you here in the middle of his dominions, and enclosed within impassable rivers; and being able to lead such multitudes against you, as, though he gave them into your power, it would be impossible for you to destroy."
12. After him, Theopompus,[84] an Athenian, spoke thus: "O Phalinus, we have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, except our arms and our valour. While we retain our arms, we may hope to profit by our valour; but if we were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also of our lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the only things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, we will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. On hearing him speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher, young man, and express yourself not without grace; but be assured that you are out of your senses if you imagine that your valour will prove victorious over the might of the king." 14. But it was reported that certain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that they had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend; and that whether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in an expedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it.
15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether they had yet given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, "Your companions, O Clearchus, give each a different answer; and now tell us what you have to say." 16. Clearchus then said, "I was glad to see you, O Phalinus, and so, I dare say, were all the rest of us; for you are a Greek, as we also are; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed in such circumstances, we would advise with you how we should act with regard to the message that you bring. 17. Give us then, I entreat you by the gods, such advice as seems to you most honourable and advantageous, and such as will bring you honour in time to come, when it is related, that Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks to deliver up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, such and such counsel; for you know that whatever counsel you do give, will necessarily be reported in Greece."
18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion, with the desire that the very person who came as an envoy from the king, should advise them not to deliver up their arms, in order that the Greeks might be led to conceive better hopes. But Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke, contrary to his expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand hopeful chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by continuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver up your arms; but if you have not a single hope of safety in opposing the king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves in the only way in which it is possible." 20. Clearchus rejoined, "Such, then, is your advice; but on our part return this answer, that we are of opinion, that, if we are to be friends with the king, we shall be more valuable friends if we retain our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but that if we must make war against him, we should make war better if we retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. Phalinus said, "This answer, then, we will report: but the king desired us also to inform you, that while you remain in this place, a truce is to be considered as existing between him and you; but, if you advance or retreat, there is to be war. Give us, therefore, your answer on this point also; whether you will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or whether I shall announce from you, that there is war." 22. Clearchus replied, "Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution is the same as that of the king." "And what is that?" said Phalinus.
Clearchus replied, "If we stay here, a truce; but if we retreat or advance, war." 23. Phalinus again asked him, "Is it a truce or war that I shall report?" Clearchus again made the same answer: "A truce, if we stay; and if we retreat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do, he gave no intimation.
[Footnote 80: Πυνθανόμενοι.] Schneider and others would omit this word, as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation.]
[Footnote 81: Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι.] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understood ὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι should properly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without owners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plundered by the enemy.]
[Footnote 82: Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν.] See i. 8. 1.]
[Footnote 84: Θεόπομπος.] This is the reading of six manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If we follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος is genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appears from iii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other arguments that he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. de Xen. Vit.
p. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon, conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the margin Θεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompus may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attributes those words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have thought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was, however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis.
_Kühner_.]
CHAPTER II.
The Greeks, joining Ariæus, form an alliance with him, and take counsel with him in reference to their return. During the night following the first day's march they are seized with a panic, which Clearchus allays.
1. Phalinus and his companions departed; and there now returned, from their interview with Ariæus, Procles and Cheirisophus; Menon had remained there with Ariæus. They reported, "that Ariæus said that there were many Persians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure that he should be king; but," he adds, "if you wish to return with him, he desires you to come to him this very night; if you do not, he says that he will set out by himself early in the morning." 2. Clearchus rejoined, "And we must certainly do as you say, if we determine to go to him; but if not, adopt for yourselves such measures as you may think most for your advantage;" for not even to them did he disclose what he intended to do.
3. But afterwards, when the sun was setting, having assembled the generals and captains, he spoke as follows: "My friends, when I offered a sacrifice with reference to marching against the king, the signs of the victims were not favourable, and indeed it was with good cause that they were not so; for as I now learn, there is between us and the king the river Tigris, a navigable river, which we could not cross without vessels; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to remain here; for we have no means of procuring provisions. But for going to the friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were extremely favourable. 4. We must accordingly proceed thus: when we separate, we must sup, each of us on what he has; when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to rest, proceed to pack up your baggage; when it sounds the second time, place it on your baggage-cattle; and, at the third signal, follow him who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle next the river, and the heavy-armed troops on the outside." 5. The generals and captains, after listening to this address, went away, and did as he directed; and thenceforth he commanded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having elected him commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such qualifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them were comparatively inexperienced.
6. The computation of the route which they had come from Ephesus in Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' march, and five hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen thousand and fifty stadia;[85] and the distance from the field of battle to Babylon was said to be three hundred and sixty stadia.
7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian deserted to the king, with about forty horse that he commanded, and nearly three hundred of the Thracian infantry. 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest, in the prescribed order; and they followed, and arrived at the first halting-place,[86] to join Ariæus and his troops about midnight; and the generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up their men under arms, went in a body to Ariæus; when the Greeks on the one hand, and Ariæus and his principal officers on the other, took an oath not to betray each other, and to be true allies; and the Barbarians took another oath, that they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These oaths they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,[87] a boar, and a ram, over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians a lance, into the blood.
10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, Clearchus said: "Since then, Ariæus, our route and yours is now the same, tell us, what is your opinion with respect to our course; whether we shall return the way we came, or whether you consider that you have thought of a better way." 11. Ariæus replied: "If we were to return the way we came, we should all perish of hunger; for we have now no supply of provisions; and for the last seventeen days' march, even when we were coming hither, we could procure nothing from the country through which we passed; or, if anything was to be found there, we consumed it ourselves in our passage. But now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first days' marches as long as we can, that we may remove ourselves to the greatest possible distance from the king's army; for if we once escape two or three days' journey from him, the king will no longer be able to overtake us; since he will not dare to pursue us with a small force; and, with a numerous army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will probably experience a scarcity of provisions." "Such," he concluded, "is my opinion."
13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for nothing else than to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, by flight.[88] But fortune proved a better leader; for as soon as it was day they began their march, with the sun on their right, expecting to arrive about sunset at some villages in the Babylonian territory; and in this expectation they were not disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they thought that they perceived some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of the Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their places in the ranks; and Ariæus (for he was riding in a waggon because he had been wounded) came down and put on his armour, as did those who were with him. 15. But while they were arming themselves, the scouts that had been sent forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, but baggage-cattle grazing; and every one immediately concluded that the king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke also was seen rising from some villages not far distant. 16. Clearchus however did not lead his troops against the enemy; (for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in want of food; and besides it was now late;) yet he did not turn out of his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his march in a direct line, and took up his quarters with his vanguard, just at sunset, in the nearest villages, from which even the wood-work of the houses had been carried off by the king's troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in advance, encamped with some degree of regularity; but those who followed, coming up in the dark, took up with such quarters as they chanced to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, that even the enemy heard them; and those of the enemy who were stationed the nearest, fled from their encampments. 18. That this had been the case, became apparent on the following day; for there was no longer a single beast of burden to be seen, nor any camp, nor smoke anywhere near. The king had been alarmed, as it seemed, by the sudden approach of the Grecian army; and of this he gave proof by what he did on the following day.
19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon the Greeks themselves, and there arose such noise and commotion in their camp as usually ensues on the occurrence of sudden terror. 20. Upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmides, an Eleian, whom he happened to have with him, the best[89] herald of his time, to command silence; and proclaim, that "the generals give notice, that whoever will give information of the person who turned the ass among the arms,[90] shall receive a reward of a talent of silver." 21. On this proclamation being made, the soldiers were convinced that their alarm was groundless, and their generals were safe. At break of day, Clearchus issued orders for the Greeks to form themselves under arms, in the same order in which they had been when the battle took place.
[Footnote 85: As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84 days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger is inclined to think the passage an interpolation.]
[Footnote 86: Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν.] This is the σταθμός mentioned in i. 10. 1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day when the battle took place.]
[Footnote 87: Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to have been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os., where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that animal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P.
iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388."]
[Footnote 88: Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν.] The first means to flee, so that it cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so that he cannot be overtaken. _Kühner_ ad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâ vel apertâ." _Weiske_.]
[Footnote 89: Ἄριοστον.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or clearness of his voice.]
[Footnote 90: The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of the men's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to draw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their apprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having been adopted by Iphicrates.]
CHAPTER III.
The king proposes a truce, and supplies the Greeks with provisions during the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphernes to them, to ask why they had engaged in hostilities against him; he is answered by Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king engaging to send home the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes, and the Greeks promising to do no injury to the countries through which they should pass.
1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at the approach of the Greeks, became evident by what followed; for though, when he sent to them on the preceding day, he desired them to deliver up their arms, he now, at sunrise, sent heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds, upon arriving at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders.
Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who happened then to be inspecting the several divisions, told the guards to desire the heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 3. When he had arranged the army in such a manner as to present on every side the fair appearance of a compact phalanx, and so that none of the unarmed were to be seen, he called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having about him the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told the other leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the messengers, he asked them what they wanted. They replied, "that they came to negotiate a truce, with full powers to communicate with the Greeks on behalf of the king, and with the king on behalf of the Greeks." 5. Clearchus answered, "Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first; for we have no breakfast;[91] and there is no one who will dare to talk to the Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with breakfast."
6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but soon returned; from whence it was apparent that the king, or some other person to whom a commission had been given to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere near. They brought word, "that the king thought what they said was reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who, in case the truce should be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a place where they might procure provisions." 7. Clearchus then inquired, whether the king would grant the benefit of the truce to those only who went to him, on their way thither and back, or whether the truce would be with the rest as well.[92] The messengers replied, "With all; until what you have to say is communicated to the king." 8. When they had said this, Clearchus, directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the other officers; and they proposed to conclude the truce at once, and to go after the provisions at their ease, and supply themselves. 9. And Clearchus said, "I too am of that opinion. I will not, however, announce our determination immediately, but will wait till the messengers begin to be uneasy lest we should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet," said he, "I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our own soldiers." When he thought therefore that the proper time had arrived, he announced to the messengers that he agreed to the truce, and desired them to conduct him forthwith to the place where the provisions were.
10. They accordingly led the way; and Clearchus proceeded to conclude the truce, keeping his army however in battle-array; the rear he brought up himself. They met with ditches and canals so full of water that they could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of the palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here it might be seen how Clearchus performed the duties of a commander, holding his spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right; and if any of those ordered to the work seemed to him to loiter at it, he would select a fit object for punishment,[93] and give him a beating, and would lend his assistance himself,[94] leaping into the midst, so that all were ashamed not to share his industry. 12. The men of thirty and under only had been appointed by him to the work; but the older men, when they saw Clearchus thus busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13.
Clearchus made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the ditches were not always so full of water; (for it was not the season for irrigating the ground;) but thought that the king had let out the water upon the plain, in order that even now there might appear to the Greeks to be many difficulties in the march.
14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, from which the guides signified that they might procure provisions. In these villages there was great plenty of corn, and wine made from dates, and an acidulous drink obtained from them by boiling. 15. As to the dates themselves, such as those we see in Greece were here put aside for the use of the servants; but those which were laid by for their masters, were choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and size; their colour was not unlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and preserved as sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompaniment to drink, but apt to cause headache. 16. Here too the soldiers for the first time tasted the cabbage[95] from the top of the palm-tree, and most of them were agreeably struck both with its external appearance and the peculiarity of its sweetness. But this also was exceedingly apt to give headache.
The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon withered throughout.
17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissaphernes arrived from the Great King, and with him the brother of the king's wife, and three other Persians; and a numerous retinue attended them. The generals of the Greeks having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoke by an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. "I myself dwell, O Greeks, in the neighbourhood of your country; and when I perceived you fallen into many troubles and difficulties, I thought it a piece of good fortune if I could in any way press a request upon the king to allow me to conduct you in safety back to Greece. For I think that such a service would be attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made my request to the king, representing to him that he might reasonably grant me this favour, because I had been the first to give him intelligence that Cyrus was marching against him, and at the same time that I brought him the intelligence, had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone, of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the contrary, charged through the midst of them, and joined the king in your camp, whither he came after he had slain Cyrus; and because, together with these who are now present with me, and who are his most faithful servants, I engaged in pursuit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus's army.
20. The king promised to consider of my request; and in the mean time desired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that you took the field against him; and I advise you to answer with moderation, in order that it may be easier for me to secure you whatever advantage I can from the king."
21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, gave their answer, Clearchus speaking for them: "We neither formed ourselves into a body, with the view of making war upon the king, nor, when we set out, was our march directed against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well aware, devised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might both take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we afterwards saw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the face of gods and men, to desert him, as we had before allowed him to bestow favours upon us. 23.
As Cyrus, however, is now dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with the king, nor is there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the king's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would proceed homeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavour, with the aid of the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that may do us an injury; while, if any one does us good, we shall not be behind-hand in requiting him to the utmost of our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes, having heard him, said, "I will report your answer to the king, and bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the truce remain in force; and we will provide a market for you."
25. On the following day he did not return; so that the Greeks began to be anxious; but on the third day he came, and said, that he returned after having obtained the king's permission to be allowed to save the Greeks; although many spoke against it, saying that it did not become the king to suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 26.
In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us solemn promises that we will render the country, through which you will pass, friendly to you; and will, without treachery, conduct you back to Greece, affording you opportunities of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we do not afford you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to take for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On the other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to us, that you will march, as through a friendly territory, without doing harm, only taking a supply of meat and drink, whenever we do not give you an opportunity of purchasing, but that if we give you such opportunity, you will procure your supplies by purchase." 28. These conditions were assented to; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the king's wife gave their right-hands to the generals and captains of the Greeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this, Tissaphernes said, "And now I shall go back to the king; and as soon as I have accomplished what I wish, I will come again, after making the necessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you back to Greece, and returning myself to my province."
[Footnote 91: Ἄριοστον.] This word answers to the Latin _prandium_, a meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it "dinner."]
[Footnote 92: I have translated this passage as I think that the drift of the narrative requires. Krüger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, and thinks that by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. Some critics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisions are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to refer σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι the messengers from the Greeks.]
[Footnote 93: Τον ἐπιτήδειον.] Scil. παίεσθαι, _pœnæ idoneum, pœnû dignum_. Kühner.]
[Footnote 94: Προσελάμβανε.] _Manum operi admovebat._ Kühner.]
[Footnote 95: Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla earum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii.
4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is generally interpreted _medulla_, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner.
t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of Du Petit Thouars. The French call it _choux_; the Germans, _Kohl_, Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called the _cabbage_ of the palm; it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It forms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it was taken withered." _Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus_, p.
118.]
CHAPTER IV.
The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariæus, and resolve to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march under the guidance of Tissaphernes, pass the wall of Media, and cross the Tigris.
1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariæus, encamping near each other, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days;[96] in the course of which there came to visit Ariæus both his brothers and other relations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions, and gave them encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances[97] from the king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their expedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2.
On these things taking place, the followers of Ariæus evidently began to pay the Greeks less attention; so that, on this account, they rendered most of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going to Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? are we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in order that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall upon the rest of the Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-assembled, it is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is digging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be rendered impassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we should go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we are have defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him at nought."
5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, "I have been considering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now go away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be no one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions; and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the moment that we do this, Ariæus will separate himself from us so that not a friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends will then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to cross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it should be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while the enemy's cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we were victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, if we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7.
With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages, I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear, and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the gods, and render his pledges faithless both to Greeks and Barbarians." He said much besides to the same effect.