Considerations on Representative Government
- اللغة:
- الإنجليزية
- الحالة:
- عمل كامل
- التأليف:
- كتبه المؤلف بنفسه
- حالة النص:
- نص سليم
- الحجم:
- ~100,000 كلمة · 482 مقطعًا
استشهد بهذا العمل
- APAجون ستيوارت ميل. (n.d.). Considerations on Representative Government. SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/ar/works/john-stuart-mill/considerations-on-representative-government
- MLAجون ستيوارت ميل. "Considerations on Representative Government." SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/ar/works/john-stuart-mill/considerations-on-representative-government.
- Chicagoجون ستيوارت ميل. Considerations on Representative Government. SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/ar/works/john-stuart-mill/considerations-on-representative-government.
عمّ يتحدث
كتاب سنة 1861 الذي يعرض فيه مِل كيف ينبغي أن تعمل الديمقراطية لئلّا تنتهي إلى استبداد الأكثرية.
السياق والتاريخ
يرى أن خير أشكال الحكم هو النيابي، ثم يُفرد الكتاب لبيان أن الانتخاب وحده لا يكفي. ومشكلاته هي مشكلاتنا: كيف يُمنع أن تفرض الأكثريةُ مصالحها على الأقليات؛ وكيف يُصار إلى أن يراقب البرلمانُ السلطةَ التنفيذية من غير أن يبتغي أن يُدير هو؛ وكيف يُصوّت أناسٌ على علم. وبعض مقترحاته تقادم وبعضها لم يتقادم: فهو يدافع عن التمثيل النسبي عند هير، وعن توسيع الاقتراع ليشمل النساء — سنة 1861 — وفي الوقت نفسه عن الصوت المتعدّد بحسب التعليم، وهو ما تصعب قراءته اليوم. وأكثر صفحاته استشهادًا تلك التي يرى فيها أن الحكومة تساوي ما تصنعه بمواطنيها، وأن شعبًا لم يتمرّس بالحكم لن يتعلّمه أبدًا.
سياق تحريري، لا مصدر قابل للاقتباس: بخلاف مقاطع العمل نفسه، لا يمكن التحقق من هذه المعلومات في المدونة.
Author Of "A System Of Logic, Ratiocinative And Inductive" [Redactor's note: Italics are indicated by underscores surrounding the _italicized text_.] [Footnotes initially found throughout the text have been numbered and placed at the end of the text.] Preface Those who have done me the honor of reading my previous writings will probably receive no strong impression of novelty from the present volume; for the principles are those to which I have been working up during the greater part of my life, and most of the practical suggestions have been anticipated by others or by myself. There is novelty, however, in the fact of bringing them together, and exhibiting them in their connection, and also, I believe, in much that is brought forward in their support. Several of the opinions at all events, if not new, are for the present as little likely to meet with general acceptance as if they were. It seems to me, however, from various indications, and from none more than the recent debates on Reform of Parliament, that both Conservatives and Liberals (if I may continue to call them what they still call themselves) have lost confidence in the political creeds which they nominally profess, while neither side appears to have made any progress in providing itself with a better. Yet such a better doctrine must be possible; not a mere compromise, by splitting the difference between the two, but something wider than either, which, in virtue of its superior comprehensiveness, might be adopted by either Liberal or Conservative without renouncing any thing which he really feels to be valuable in his own creed. When so many feel obscurely the want of such a doctrine, and so few even flatter themselves that they have attained it, any one may without presumption, offer what his own thoughts, and the best that he knows of those of others, are able to contribute towards its formation.…