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El públic i els seus problemes

John Dewey

Idioma:
anglès
Completesa:
Obra completa
Autoria:
Escrita per l'autor
Estat del text:
Sense soroll d'escaneig detectat (mesura automàtica sobre tot el text, no revisada a mà)
Extensió:
~60.000 paraules · 285 passatges
Cita aquesta obra
  • APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). The public and its problems [El públic i els seus problemes]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/ca/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems
  • MLAJohn Dewey. The public and its problems [El públic i els seus problemes]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/ca/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.
  • ChicagoJohn Dewey. The public and its problems [El públic i els seus problemes]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/ca/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.

Referència de l'edició que reprodueix SigPhi: SigPhi n'és la reproducció digital, no l'editor. L'any de l'edició no consta a les metadades (per això «n.d.») i el traductor només hi surt quan consta.

De què tracta

«El públic i els seus problemes» (1927): la resposta de Dewey a qui deia que la democràcia no és possible perquè el ciutadà no en sap prou.

Context i història

És el seu debat amb Walter Lippmann, i el text de teoria política més important que va escriure. La seva resposta —que el públic no existeix per naturalesa sinó que s'ha de constituir, i que això és el que fa la comunicació— és avui més discutida que mai.

Context editorial, no una font citable: a diferència dels passatges de l'obra, aquestes dades no es poden contrastar amb el corpus.

Com comença
on one hand and uncontrolled speculation on the other. The choice is between blind, unreasoned attack and defense on the one hand, and discriminating criticism employing intelligent method and a conscious criterion on the other. The prestige of the mathematical and physical sciences is great, and properly so. But the difference between facts which are what they are independent of human desire and endeavor and facts which are to some extent what they are because of human interest and purpose, and which alter with alteration in the latter, cannot be got rid of by any methodology. The more sincerely we appeal to facts, the greater is the importance of the distinction between facts which condition human activity and facts which are conditioned by human activity. In the degree which we ignore this difference, social science becomes pseudo-science. Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian political ideas are not merely theories dwelling in the human mind remote from facts of American political behavior. They are expressions of chosen phases and factors among those facts, but they are also something more: namely, forces which have shaped those facts and which are still contending to shape them in the future this way and that. There is more than a speculative difference between a theory of the state which regards it as an instrument in protecting individuals in the rights they already have, and one which conceives its function to be the effecting of a more equitable distribution of rights among individuals. For the theories are held and applied by legislators in congress and by judges on the bench and make a difference in the subsequent facts themselves. I make no doubt that the practical influence of the political philosophies of Aristotle, the Stoics, St. Thomas, Locke, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel has often been exaggerated in comparison with the influence of circumstances.…

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