La filosofia e la politica tedesche
- Lingua:
- inglese
- Stato:
- Opera completa
- Autorialità:
- Scritta dall'autore
- Stato del testo:
- Nessun rumore di scansione rilevato (misura automatica su tutto il testo, non verificata a mano)
- Estensione:
- ~27.400 parole · 130 passi
Cita quest'opera
- APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). German philosophy and politics [La filosofia e la politica tedesche]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/german-philosophy-and-politics
- MLAJohn Dewey. German philosophy and politics [La filosofia e la politica tedesche]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/german-philosophy-and-politics.
- ChicagoJohn Dewey. German philosophy and politics [La filosofia e la politica tedesche]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/german-philosophy-and-politics.
Riferimento all’edizione riprodotta. SigPhi è la riproduzione digitale. Anno, editore e traduttore compaiono quando noti; «n.d.» indica un anno sconosciuto.
Di che cosa tratta
Filosofia e politica tedesche (1915): conferenze su quanto Kant e Hegel c'entrino con la guerra.
Contesto e storia
Scritte in piena Prima guerra mondiale, e vanno lette sapendolo: un filosofo di un paese che entra in guerra che spiega il pensiero del nemico. Ci tornò sopra nel 1942 con una nuova prefazione. Conta come documento di come si usi la filosofia in tempo di guerra, e come avvertimento.
Contesto editoriale, non una fonte citabile: a differenza dei passi dell'opera, questi dati non si possono verificare sul corpus.
all, men take the particular general ideas which happen to affect their own conduct of life as normal and inevitable. Pray what other ideas would any sensible man have? They forget the extent to which these ideas originated as parts of a remote and technical theoretical system, which by multitudes of non-reflective channels has infiltrated into their habits of imagination and behavior. An expert intellectual anatomist, my friends, might dissect you and find Platonic and Aristotelian tissues, organs from St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, Locke and Descartes, in the make-up of the ideas by which you are habitually swayed, and find, indeed, that they and other thinkers of whose names you have never heard constitute a larger part of your mental structure than does the Calvin or Kant, Darwin or Spencer, Hegel or Emerson, Bergson or Browning to whom you yield conscious allegiance. Philosophers themselves are naturally chiefly responsible for the ordinary estimate of their own influence, or lack of influence. They have been taken mostly at their own word as to what they were doing, and what for the most part they have pretended to do is radically different from what they have actually done. They are quite negligible as seers and reporters of ultimate reality, or the essential natures of things. And it is in this aspect that they have mostly fancied seeing themselves. Their actual office has been quite other. They have told about nature and life and society in terms of collective human desire and aspiration as these were determined by contemporary difficulties and struggles. I have spoken thus far as if the influence of general ideas upon action were likely to be beneficial. It goes against the grain to attribute evil to the workings of intelligence. But we might as well face the dilemma. What is called pure thought, thought freed from the empirical contingencies of life, would, even if it existed, be irrelevant to the guidance of action.…
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