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Il pubblico e i suoi problemi

John Dewey

Lingua:
inglese
Stato:
Opera completa
Autorialità:
Scritta dall'autore
Stato del testo:
Nessun rumore di scansione rilevato (misura automatica su tutto il testo, non verificata a mano)
Estensione:
~60.000 parole · 285 passi
Cita quest'opera
  • APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). The public and its problems [Il pubblico e i suoi problemi]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems
  • MLAJohn Dewey. The public and its problems [Il pubblico e i suoi problemi]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.
  • ChicagoJohn Dewey. The public and its problems [Il pubblico e i suoi problemi]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.

Riferimento dell'edizione che SigPhi riproduce: SigPhi ne è la riproduzione digitale, non l'editore. L'anno dell'edizione non figura nei metadati (da qui «n.d.») e il traduttore compare solo quando è noto.

Di che cosa tratta

Il pubblico e i suoi problemi (1927): la risposta di Dewey a chi diceva che la democrazia è impossibile perché i cittadini non ne sanno abbastanza.

Contesto e storia

È il suo dibattito con Walter Lippmann, e l'opera di teoria politica più importante che abbia scritto. La sua risposta — che il pubblico non esiste per natura ma va costituito, e che è questo che fa la comunicazione — se ne discute oggi più che mai.

Contesto editoriale, non una fonte citabile: a differenza dei passi dell'opera, questi dati non si possono verificare sul corpus.

Come comincia
on one hand and uncontrolled speculation on the other. The choice is between blind, unreasoned attack and defense on the one hand, and discriminating criticism employing intelligent method and a conscious criterion on the other. The prestige of the mathematical and physical sciences is great, and properly so. But the difference between facts which are what they are independent of human desire and endeavor and facts which are to some extent what they are because of human interest and purpose, and which alter with alteration in the latter, cannot be got rid of by any methodology. The more sincerely we appeal to facts, the greater is the importance of the distinction between facts which condition human activity and facts which are conditioned by human activity. In the degree which we ignore this difference, social science becomes pseudo-science. Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian political ideas are not merely theories dwelling in the human mind remote from facts of American political behavior. They are expressions of chosen phases and factors among those facts, but they are also something more: namely, forces which have shaped those facts and which are still contending to shape them in the future this way and that. There is more than a speculative difference between a theory of the state which regards it as an instrument in protecting individuals in the rights they already have, and one which conceives its function to be the effecting of a more equitable distribution of rights among individuals. For the theories are held and applied by legislators in congress and by judges on the bench and make a difference in the subsequent facts themselves. I make no doubt that the practical influence of the political philosophies of Aristotle, the Stoics, St. Thomas, Locke, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel has often been exaggerated in comparison with the influence of circumstances.…

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