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Le possibilità sociali della guerra

John Dewey

Lingua:
inglese
Stato:
Opera completa
Autorialità:
Scritta dall'autore
Stato del testo:
Nessun rumore di scansione rilevato (misura automatica su tutto il testo, non verificata a mano)
Estensione:
~4000 parole · 19 passi
Cita quest'opera
  • APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). The Social Possibilities of War [Le possibilità sociali della guerra]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/the-social-possibilities-of-war
  • MLAJohn Dewey. The Social Possibilities of War [Le possibilità sociali della guerra]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/the-social-possibilities-of-war.
  • ChicagoJohn Dewey. The Social Possibilities of War [Le possibilità sociali della guerra]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/it/works/john-dewey/the-social-possibilities-of-war.

Riferimento dell'edizione che SigPhi riproduce: SigPhi ne è la riproduzione digitale, non l'editore. L'anno dell'edizione non figura nei metadati (da qui «n.d.») e il traduttore compare solo quando è noto.

Di che cosa tratta

Le possibilità sociali della guerra: un breve saggio su se l'organizzazione collettiva che una guerra impone possa servire alla pace.

Contesto e storia

Diciannove frammenti. Un testo d'occasione, da leggere tenendo presente la data: Dewey appoggiò l'entrata in guerra degli Stati Uniti nella Prima guerra mondiale e più tardi se ne pentì pubblicamente. Randolph Bourne, che era stato suo allievo, glielo rinfacciò in un saggio famoso.

Contesto editoriale, non una fonte citabile: a differenza dei passi dell'opera, questi dati non si possono verificare sul corpus.

Come comincia
in range, depth and complexity, but even more in the fact that they have simply accelerated a movement which was already proceeding apace. The immediate urgency has in a short time brought into existence agencies for executing the supremacy of the public and social interest over the private and possessive interest which might otherwise have taken a long time to construct. In this sense, no matter how many among the special agencies for public control decay with the disappearance of war stress, the movement will never go backward. Peoples who have learned that billions are available for public needs when the occasion presses will not forget the lesson, and having seen that portions of these billions are necessarily diverted into physical training, industrial education, better housing, and the setting up of agencies for securing a public service and function from private industries will ask why in the future the main stream should not be directed in the same channels. In short, we shall have a better organized world internally as well as externally, a more integrated, less anarchic, system. Partisans are attempting to locate the blame for the breakdown in the distribution of fuel and the partial breakdown in food supplies upon mere inefficiency in governmental officials. But whatever the truth in special cases, such accusations, it is clear that the casual force lies deeper. Fundamental industries have been carried on for years and years on a social basis; for public service indeed, but for public service under such conditions of private restriction as would render the maximum of personal profit. Our large failures are merely exhibitions of the anarchy and confusion entailed by any such principle of conducting affairs. When profit may arise from setting up division and conflict, it is hopeless to expect unity.…

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