486 THK INDDCTIONS OF SOCIOLOGT.
inevitable fate of every African Empi^ from time imme- morial/' Only occasionally do tliere result compound social aggregates that endure for considerable periods^ as Da- homey^ or as Asliantee> which is '^an assemblage of states owing a kind of feudal obedience to the soyereign/' The histories of Madagascar and of yarious Polynesian islands filso display these transitory compound groups, out of which at length come in some cases permanent ones. In the earliest times of the extinct civilized races^ like stages were passed through. In the words of Maspero, Egypt was " divided at first into a great number of tribes, which at several points simultaneously began to establish small in- dependent states, every one of which had its laws and its worship/' The compound groups of Greeks first formed, were those minor ones resulting from the subjugation of weaker towns by stronger neighbouring ones. And in Northern Europe during pagan times, the numerous German tribes, each Tfith its cantonal divisions, illustrated this second stage of aggregation. After such coiilpound societies are consolidated^ repetition of the process on a Larger scale produces doubly-compound societies; which, usually cohering but feebly, become in some cases quite coherent. Maspero infers that the Egyptian states described above as resulting from integration of tribes, were swallowed up into two great principalities. Upper Egjrpt and Lower Egypt, which were eventually united: the small states be- coming provinces. The boasting records of Mesopotamian kings similarly show us this union of unions going on. So, too, in Greece the integration previously displayed locally, began afterwards to combine all the minor societies into two confederacies. Before and after the Christian era, the like happened throughout Northern Europe. During Ro- man days there arose for defensive purposes federations of tribes which eventually consolidated; and subsequently these were compounded into still larger aggregates. Then after a period of vague and varying combinations, there SOCIAL GROWTH. 487 came^ in later times, as is well illustrated hj French his- tory, a massing of small feudal territories into provinces and a subsequent massing of these into kingdoms.
So that in both organic and super-organio growth, we see a process of compounding and re-compounding carried to various stages. In both cases, after some consolidation of the smallest aggregates there comes the process of forming larger aggregates bj union of them; and in both cases re- petition of this process makes secondary aggregates into tertiary ones.
§ 227. Organic growth and super-organic growth haye yet another analogy. As above said, increase by multipli- cation of individuals in a group, and increase by union of groups, may go on simultaneously; and it does this in both cases.
The original clusters, animal and social, are not only small, but they lack density. Creatures of low types occupy large spaces considering the quantities of animal substance they contain; and low-type societies spread over areas that are wide relatively to the numbers of their component in- dividuals. But as integration in animals is shown by con- centration as well as by bulkiness; so that social integra- tion that results from the clustering of flusters, is joined with augmentation of the number contained by each cluster. If we contrast the populousness of regions inhabited by wild tribes with the populousness of equal regions in Europe; or if we contrast the density of population in England under the Heptarchy with its present density; we see that besides the growth produced by union of groups there has gone on interstitial growth. Just as the higher animal has become not only larger than the lower but more solid; so, too, has the higher society.
Social growth, then, equally with the growth of a living body, shows us the fundamental trait of evolution under a twofold aspect. Integration is displayed both in the forma- 488 XH£ IITDCCTIOHS Of SOCIOLOGT.
tion of a larger mass^ and in the progress of saeh mass towards that coherence due to closeness of parts.
It is proper to add, however, that there is a mode of social growth to which organic gprowth afFords no parallel — ^that caased by the migration of nnits from one societj to an- other. Among many primitive gronps and a few developed ones, this is a considerable factor; but, generally, its effect bears so small a ratio to the effects of growth by increase of population and coalescence of groups, that it does not much qualify the analogy.
CHAPTER IV.
SOCIAL 8TRUCTUBES.
§ 228. In societies^ as in liying bodies^ increase of mass is habitually accompanied by increase of stmcture. Along with that integration which is the primary trait of evolu- tion, both exhibit in a high degree the secondary trait, differentiation.
The association of these two characters in animals was described in the Principles of Biology, § 44. Excluding certain low kinds of them whose activities are little above those of plants, we recognized the general law that large aggregates have high organizations. The qualifications of this law which go along with differences of medium, of habitat, of type, are numerous; but when made they leave intact the truth that for carrying on the combined life of a great mass, complex arrangements are required. So, too, is it with societies. As we progress from the smallest groups to larger; from simple groups to compound groups; from compound groups to doubly compound ones; the un- likenesses of parts increase. The social mass, homogeneous when minute, habitually gains in heterogeneity along with each increment of growth; and to reach great size must acquire great heterogeneity. Let us glance at the leading stages.
Naturally in a state like that of the Gayaguas or Wood- Indians of South America, so little social that '' one family 490 TH£ INDUCTIONS OF SOCIOLOGT.
lives at a distance from anotber^'' social organization is impossible; and even where there is some slight associa- tion of families^ organization does not establish itself while they are few and wandering. Groups of Esqaimanz, of Australians^ of Bushmen, of Fuegians, are without even that primary contrast of parts implied by settled chieftain- ship. Their members are subject to no control but such as is temporarily acquired by the stronger, or more cunning, or more experienced: not even a nucleus is present. Habitu- ally where larger simple groups exist, we find some kind of head. Though not a uniform rule (for, as we shall hereafter see, the genesis of a controlling agency depends on the nature of the social actiyities), this is a genera! rule. The headless clusters, wholly ungovemed, are incoherent, and separate before they acquire considerable sizes; but along with maintenance of an aggregate approaching to, or ex- ceeding, a hundred, we ordinarily find a simple or compound ruling agency— one or more men claiming and exercising authority that is natural, or supernatural, or both. This is the first social differentiation. Soon after it there frequently comes another, tending to form a diyision be- tween regulative and operative parts. In the lowest tribes this is. rudely represented only by the contrast between the relative positions and functions of the two sexes: the men, having unchecked control, carry on such external actions as the tribe shows ns, chiefly in war; while the women are made subject drudges who perform the less skilled parts of the process of sustentation. But that tribal growth and development of chieftainship which gives military supe- riority, presently results in enlargement of the operative part by the addition of captives. This begins unobtrusively. While in battle the men are killed and often eaten, the non- combatants are enslaved: the Patagonians, for example, make slaves of women and children taken in war. Later, and especially when cannibalism ceases, comes the enslave- ment of male captives; whence results, in some cases, an SOCIAL BTBUCTURES. 491 operative part clearly marked off from the regulative part. Among the Chinooks^ Boss tells us that '* slaves do all the laborious work/' We read that the Belnchi^ avoiding the hard labour of cultivation, impose it upon the Jutts, the ancient inhabitants whom they have subjugated. Accord- ing to Beecham, it is usual on the Gold Coast to make the slaves clear the ground for cultivation. And by the Felatahs, '^ the male slaves are employed in the various trades of building, working in iron, weaving, making shoes or clothes, and in traffic; the female slaves in spinning, baking, and selling water in the streets.^' Along with that increase of mass caused by union of primary social aggregates into secondary ones, a further unlikeness of parts begins to. arise. The holding together of the compound cluster implies a head of the whole as well as heads of the parts; and a differentiation analogous to that which originally produced a chief, now produces a chief of chiefs. Sometimes the combination is made for defence against a common foe, and sometimes it results from con- quest by one tribe of the rest. In this last case the predominant tribe, in the maintenance of its supremacy, develops more highly its military character: so becoming unlike the others.
How after such clusters of clusters have been so consoli- dated that their united powers can be wielded by one governing agency, there come alliances with, or subjugations of, other such compound clusters, ending from time to time in coalescence — how when this happens there i*esults still gi-eater complexity in the governing agency, with its king, local rulers, and petty chiefs — ^how, at the same time, there arise more marked divisions of classes — ^militaiy, priestly, slave, etc.; it needs not to point out more specifically. That complication of structure accompanies increase of mass, is sufficiently obvious.
§ 229. This increase of heterogeneity, which in both 492 THI IKDUCnONB 0? SOCIOLOGT.
classes of aggregates goes along witli gprowth, presents another trait in common. Beyond anlikenesses of parts resulting from development of tlie co-ordinating agencies, there presently follow nnlikenesses among the agencies co- ordinated— ^the organs of alimentation, etc., in the one case, and the industrial organs in the other.
When animal-aggregates of the lowest order unite to form one of a higher order, and when, again, these secondary aggregates are compounded into tertiary aggpregates, each component is at first similar in structure to the other components; but in the course of evolution dissimilarities arise and become more and more decided. Among the Ooelenterata the stages are clearly indicated. From the sides of the common hydra, bud out young ones which, when they have fully developed, separate from the parent. In the compound hydroids the young polypes produced in like manner, remain permanently attached, and, themselves repeating the process, presently form a branched aggre- gate. When the members of the compound group lead similar and almost independent lives, as in various rooted genera, they remain similar: save those of them which become reproductive organs. But in the floating and swim- ming clusters, formed by a kindred process, the differently- conditioned members have become different, while assuming different kinds of activities or functions. It is thus with the minor social groups combined into a major social group. Each tribe, originally self-sufficing, had within itself such feebly-marked industrial structures as sufficed for its low type of life; and these were like those of each other tribe. But union of them greatly facili- tates exchange of commodities; and if, as mostly happens, the component tribes severally occupy localities favour- able to different kinds of production, different industrial actions are initiated, and there result diffisrences of indus- trial structures. Even between tribes not united, as those of Australia, there is barter of products furnished by their SOCIAL STBUCTUBES. 493 fespectiye habitats: so long, of course^ as they are not at war. And evidently where there is reached such a stage of integration as in Madagascar^ or as in the chief Negro states of Africa^ the internal peace that follows subordination to one government, makes commercial intercourse easy. The like parts, being permanently held together^ mutual depend- once becomes possible; and along with growing mutual dependence there goes growing unlikeness of parts.
§ 230. The advance of organization which thus follows the advance of aggregation, alike in individual organisms and in social organisms, conforms in both cases to the same general law: differentiations proceed from the more general to the more special. First broad and simple contrasts of parts; then within each of the parts thus primarily con- trasted, changes which make unlike divisions of them; then within each of these unlike sub-divisions minor unlike- nesses; and so on continually.
The successive stages in the development of a vertebrate column, serve to illustrate this law in animals. At the out- set an elongated depression of the blastoderm, called the ''primitive groove,'^ represents the entire cerebro-spinal canal: as yet there are no marks of vertebrae, nor even a contrast between the part which is to become head and the parf. which is to become back-bone. Presently the ridges bounding this groove, growing up and folding over more rapidly at the anterior end, which at the same time widens, begin to make the skull distinguishable from the spine; and the commencement of segmentation in the spinal part, while the cephalic part remains unsegmented, strengthens the contrast. Within each of these main divisions minor divisions soon arise. The rudimentary cranium, bending forwards upon itself, simultaneously acquires three dilata- tions indicating the contained nervous structures; while the segmentation of the spinal column, spreading to its ends, produces an almost-uniform series of '' proto- 494 THE INDUCTIONS OF SOCIOLOGT.
vertebrsB." At first these proto-vertebras not only little from one another, but each is relatiyely simple quadrate mass. Gradually this almost-uniform series falls into unlike divisions — ^the cervical group, the dorsal gronp^ the lumbar group; and while the series of yertebrad is thus becoming specialized in its different regions, each vertebra is changing from that general form which it at first had in common with the rest, to the more special form eventually distinguishing it from the rest. In all parts of the em- bryo there are, at the same time, going on kindred pro- cesses, which, first making each large part unlike all other parts, then make the parts of that part unlike one an- other. In social evolution analogous metamor- phoses may be everywhere traced. The rise of the struc- ture exercising religious control may be taken as an example. In simple tribes, and in clusters of tribes during their early stages of aggregation, we find men who are at once sor- cerers, priests, diviners, exorcists, doctors, — ^men who deal with supposed supernatural beings in all the various possible ways: propitiating them, seeking knowledge and aid from them, commanding them, subduing them. Along with advance in social integration, there come both differences of function and differences of rank. In Tanna ''there is a rain-making class of priests ''; in Fiji there are not only priests, but seers; among the Sandwich Islanders there are diviners as well as priests; among the New Zea- landers, Thomson distinguishes between priests and sor- cerers; and among the Kaffirs, besides the diviners and rain-makers, there are two classes of doctors who respec- tively rely on supernatural and on natural agents in curing their patients. More advanced societies, as those of An- cient America, show us still greater multiformity of this originally-uniform social structure. In Mexico, for ex- ample, the medical class, descending from a class of sor- cerers who dealt antagonistically with the supernatural agents supposed to cause disease, were distinct from the priests.
SOCIAL STSnCTUBES. 495 whose dealings with supernatural agents were propitiatory. Further, within the priest-class there were different orders, dividing the religious offices Among them — sacrificers, di- viners, singers, composers of hymns, instructors of youth, etc.; and then there were also gradations of rank among priests. This progress from general to special in priest- hoods, has, in the higher nations, led to such marked distinctions that the original kinships are forgotten. The priest-astrologers of ancient races were initiators of the s^iientific class, now variously specialized; from the priest- doctors of old have come the medical class with its chief division and minor divisions; while within the clerical class proper, have arisen not only various ranks from Pope down to acolyte, but various kinds of functionaries — spriest, deacon, chorister, exorcist, etc., as well as the many kinds of monks and nuns. Similarly if we trace the genesis of any indus- trial structure; as that which from primitive blacksmiths who smelt their own iron as well as make implements from it, brings us to our iron-manufacturing districts, where pre- paratiou of the metal is separated into smelting, refining, puddling, rolling, and where turning this metal into imple- ments is divided into various businesses carried on in many kinds of factories.
The transformation here illustrated, is, indeed, an aspect of that transformation, of the homogeneous into the hetero- geneous which everywhere characterizes evolution; but the truth to be noted is that it characterizes the evolution of individual organisms and of social organisms in especially high degrees.
§ 231. Closer study of the facts shows us another strik- ing parallelism. Organs in animals and organs in societies have internal arrangements framed on the same principle.
Differing from one another as the viscera of a living creature do in many respects, they all have several traits in common. Each viscus contains appliances for conveying 496 THE INDUCTIONS OF SOCIOUMT.
natriment throagli it, for bringuig it materiaU oa which to operate^ for carrying away the prodact^ for draining off waste matters; as also for increasing and diminisliing its activity. Though liver and kidneys are widely nnlike in general appearance and minate structare^ as well as in the offices they fulfil, the one as mach as the other has a system of arteries, a system of veins/ a system of lymphatics — has branched channels through which its excretions escape, and nerves for exciting and checking it. In large measure the like is true of those higher organs which, instead of prepai^- ing and purifying and distributing the blood, aid the general life by carrying on external actions — ^the nervous and mus- cular organs. These, too, have their channels for bringing prepared materials, channels for drafting off vitiated mate- rials, channels for carrying away effete matters; as also their controlling nerve cells and fibres. So that along with the many marked differences of structure there are these marked communities of structure.
It is the same in a society. The clustered citizens form- ing an organ which produces some commodity for national use, or which otherwise satisfies national wants, has within it subservient structures substantially like those of each other organ carrjring on each other function. Be it a cotton- weaving district or a district where cutlery is made, it has a set of agencies which bring the raw material and a set of agencies which collect and send away the manufactured articles; it has an elaborate apparatus of major and minor channels through which the necessaries of life are drafted out of the general stocks circulating through the kingdom, and brought home to the local workers and those who direct them; it has appliances, postal and other, for bringing those impulses by which the industry of the place is excited or checked; it has local controlling powers, political and eccle- siastical, by which order is maintained and healthful action furthered. So, too, when, from a district which secretes some commodity, we turn to a sea-port which absorbs and SOCIAL STRUCTURES. 497 sends out goods^ we find the distributing and restraining agencies are mostly the same. Even where this social organ^ instead of carrying on a material actiyity^ has^ like a university, the office of preparing certain classes of units for social functions of particular kinds^ this general type of structure is repeated: the appliances for local sustentation and regulation, differing in some respects, are similar in essentials — ^there are like classes of distributors, like classes for civil control, and a specially-developed class for ecclesi- astical control.
On observing that this communiiy of structure among social organs, like the community of structure among organs in a living body, necessarily accompanies mutual dependence, we shall see even more clearly than hitherto, how great is the likeness of nature between individual organization and social organization.
§ 232. One more structural analogy must be named. The formation of organs in a living body proceeds in ways which we may distinguish as primary, secondary, and tertiary; and, paralleling them, there are primary, secondary, and tertiary ways in which social organs are formed. We will look at each of the three parallelisms by itself.
In animals of low types the secretion of bile is carried on not by a liver, but by separate cells scattered along in the wall of the intestine at one part. These cells individually perform their function of separating certain matters from the blood, and individually pour out the products. No organ, strictly so-called, exists; but only a number of units not yet aggregated into an organ. This is analogous to the incipient form of an industrial structure in a society. At first each worker carries on his occupation alone; and himself disposes of the product to the consumer. The arrangement still extant in our villages, where the cobbler at his own fireside makes and sells boots, and where the blacksmith single-handed does what iron-work is needed K X 498 THE INDVCnOlIB OF SOCIOLOOY.
by his neighboars, exemplifies the primitiye type of every prodacing atmctare. Among saTages slight differentiations arise from individual aptitudes. Even of the degraded FaegiiOLB^ Fitzroy tells us that " one becomes an adept with the spear; another with the sling; another with a bow and arrows/' As like differences of skill among members of primitive tribes, cause some to become makers of special things^ it results that necessarily the industrial organ begins as a social unit. Where, as among the Shasta Indians of California, '' arrow-making is a distinct profession,^' it is clear that manipulative superiority being the cause of the differentiation, the worker is at first single. And during subsequent periods of growth, even in small settled commu- nitiesy this type continues. The statement of Winterbottom^ that among the Coast Negroes, ^^ the most ingenious man in the village is usually the blacksmith, joiner, architect, and weaver,'' while it shows us how little industrial functions are differentiated, also shows us how completely individual is the structure: the implication being that as the society grows, it is by the addition of more such individuals, severally carrying on their occupations independently, that the addi- tional demand is met.
By two simultaneous changes, the incipient secreting organ of an animal reaches that higher structure with which our next comparison may be made. The cells pass from a scattered cluster into a compact cluster; and they severally become compound. In place of a single cell elaborating and emitting its special product, we now have a small elongated sac containing a &mily of cells; and this, through an opening at one end, gives exit to their products. Hence results an integrated group of more or less tubular follicles, each containing secreting units and having its separate orifice of discharge. ' To this type of individual organ, we find, in semi-oivilized societies, a type of social organ closely corresponding. In one of these settled and growing communities, the dejnands upon SOCIAL BTBUOTDBIS. 499 indiyidnal workers, now more specialized in tbeir occa* pations, haye become regular; and each worker, occasion- ally pressed by work, makes helpers of his children. This practice, beginning incidentally, gradually establishes itself; and eyentoally it grows into a law of the com- munity that each man shall bring np his family to his own trade. Illustrations of this stage are numerous. Skilled occupations, Prescott says, '^ like erery other call- ing and office in Peru, always descended from father to son. The division of castes, in this particular, was as precise as that which existed in £gypt or Hindustan/' In Mexico too, according to Glavigero, " the sons in general learned the trades of their fathers, and embraced their professions.'' The like was true of the industrial structures of European nations in early times. By the Theodosian code, a Roman youth " was compelled to follow the employment of his father « * * and the suitor who sought the hand of the daughter could only obtain his bride by becoming wedded to the calling of her family.'' In medisBval France handicrafts were inherited; and the old English periods were characterized by a like custom. Branching of the &mily through generations into a number of kindred families carrying on the same occupation, produced the germ of the guild; and the related families who monopolized each industry formed a cluster habitually occupying the same quarter. Hence the still extant names of many streets in English towns — ^^Fell- monger, Horsemonger, and Fleshmonger, Shoewright and Shieldwright, Turner and Salter Streets, and the like." And now, on observing how one of these industrial quarters was composed of many allied families, each containing sons working under direction of a father, who while sharing in the work sold the produce, and who, if the family and business were large, became mainly a channel taking in raw material and giving out the manufactured article, we see that there existed an analogy to the kind of glandular organ 600 THB INDUOTIONS OF SOCIOLOGT.
described aboye, whiob coiiBists of a namber of adjacent cell- containmg follicles haying separate months.
A third stage the analogy may be traced. Along with that increase of a glandular organ necessitated by the more actiye functions of a more deyeloped animal, there goes a change of structure consequent on augmentation of bulk. If the follicles multiply while their ducts haye all to be brought to one spot, it results that their orifices, increas- ingly numerous, occupy a larger area of the wall of the cayity which receiyes the discharge; and if lateral extension of this area is negatiyed by the functional requiremente, it results that the needful area is gained by formation of. a coecum. Further need of the same kind leads to secondary coBca diyerging from this main coecum; which hence becomes in part a duct. Thus is at length eyolyed a large yiscus, such as a liyer, haying a single main duct with ramifying branches running throughout its mass. Now we pass from the