Alioquin quid esset absurdius quam ex eo quod singuli non possumus cum singulis semper contrahere, salvum nobis in posterum non esse ius cum illis, usus tulerit, con- trahendi? Idem Vasquius et illud rectissime, ne infinito quidem tempore effici, ut quid necessitate potius, quam sponte factum videatur.
Probanda itaque Lusitanis foret coactio, quae tamen ipsa cum hac in re iuri naturae sit contraria, et omni homi- num generi noxia, ius facere non potest.1 Deinde ilia coactio durasse debuit per tempus, cuius initii non exstet memoria; id vero tantum hinc abest, ut ne centum quidem anni exierint, ex quo tota fere negotiatio Indica penes Venetos fuit, per Alexandrinas traiectiones.2 Debuit etiam talis esse coactio, cui restitum non sit. At restiterunt Galli et Angli, aliique. Neque sufficit aliquos esse coactos, sed ut omnes coacti sint requiritur, cum per unum non coactum ser- vetur in causa communi libertatis possessio. Arabes autem et Sinenses a saeculis aliquot ad hunc usque diem perpetuo cum Indis negotiantur.
Nihil prodest ista usurpatio.
• Guicciardini, Storia d'ltalia XIX.
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS 68 This, as Vasquez points out, acts both affirmatively and negatively. For I am not compelled to do what I have hitherto done of my own free will, nor am I compelled to stop doing what I have never done.
What moreover could be more absurd then to deduce from the fact that we as individuals are not able always to conclude a bargain with other individuals, that there is not preserved to us for the future the right of bargaining with them if opportunity shall have offered? The same Vasquez has also most justly said that not even the lapse of infinite time establishes a right which seems to have arisen from necessity rather than choice.
Therefore in order to establish a prescriptive right to the trade with the East Indies the Portuguese would be compelled to prove coercion. But since in such a case as this coercion is contrary to the law of nature and obnoxious to all mankind, it cannot establish a right.1 Next, that coercion must needs have been in existence for so long a time that " the memory of its beginning does not exist "; that, how- ever, is so far from being the case that not even a hun- dred years had elapsed since the Venetians controlled nearly the entire trade with the East Indies, carrying it via Alex- andria.2 Again, the coercion ought to have been such that it was not resisted; but the English and the French and other nations besides, did resist it. Finally, it is not suffi- cient that some be coerced, but it is indispensable that all be coerced, because the possession of freedom of trade is preserved to all by a failure to use coercion upon even one person. Moreover, the Arabians and the Chinese are at the present day still carrying on with the people of the East Indies a trade which has been uninterrupted for several centuries.
Portuguese usurpation is worthless.
CAPVT XII Nulla aequitate niti Lttsitanos in prohibendo commercio Ex his quae dicta sunt satis perspicitur eorum caeca aviditas, qui, ne quemquam in partem lucri admittant, illis rationibus conscientiam suam placare student, quas ipsi magistri Hispanorum qui in eadem sunt causa manifestae vanitatis convincunt.1 Omnes enim qui in rebus Indicis usur- pantur colores iniuste captari quantum ipsis licet, satis innuunt, adduntque numquam earn rem serio Theologorum examine probatam. Ilia vero querela quid est iniquius, quod dicunt Lusitani quaestus suos exhauriri copia contra licen- tiam? Inter certissima enim luris enuntiata est, nee in dolo eum versari, nee fraudem facere, ne damnum quidem alteri dare videri, qui iure suo utitur; quodmaximeverumest,sinon ut alteri noceatur, sed rem suam augendi animo quippiam fiat.2 Inspici enim debet id quod principaliter agitur, non quod extrinsecus in consequentiam venit. Immo si proprie loquimur cum Vlpiano, non ille damum dat, sed lucro quo adhuc alter utebatur eum prohibet.
Naturale autem est et summo iuri atque etiam aequitati 1 Vasquius, Controversiae illustres c, 10, n. 10; Victoria, De Indis I, 1, n. 3; Digest VI, 1, 27 (De rei vindicatione, L. Sin autem, § penult.) L, 17, 55 et 151 (De diversis regulis, L. Nullus videtur, et L; Nemo damnum); XLII, 8, 13 (Quae in fraudem creditorum, L. Illud constat); XXXIX, 2, 24 (De damno infecto, L. Fluminum, § ult.); Bartolus on Digest XLIII, 12, 1 (De fluminibus, L, 1, § 5); Castrensis on Code III, 34, 10 (De servitutibus, L. Si tibi); Digest XXXIX, 3, 1 (De aqua, L. Si cui, § Denique).
1 Vasquius, Controversiae illustres c. 4, n. 3 et seq.; Digest XXXIX, 2,, 26 (De damno infecto, L. Proculus).
69 CHAPTER XII The Portuguese prohibition of trade has no foundation in equity From what has been said thus far it is easy to see the blind cupidity of those who in order not to admit any one else to a share in their gains, strive to still their consciences by the very arguments which the Spanish jurists, interested too in the same case, show to be absolutely empty.1 For they intimate as clearly as they can that as regards India all the pretexts employed, are far fetched and unjust. They add that this right was never seriously approved by the swarm of theologians. Indeed, what is more unjust than the com- plaint made by the Portuguese that their profits are drained off by a freedom which is incompatible with their license? An incontrovertible rule of law lays down that a man who uses his own right is justly presumed to be contriving neither a deceit nor a fraud, in fact not even to be doing any one an injury. This is particularly true, if he has no inten- tion to harm any one, but only to increase his own property.2 For what ought to be considered is the chief and ultimate intent not the irrelevant consequence. Indeed, if we may with propriety agree with Ulpian, he is not doing an injury, but he is preventing some one from getting a profit which another was previously enjoying.
Moreover it is natural and conformable to the highest law as well as equity, that when a gain open to all is con- cerned every person prefers it for himself rather than for « Vasquius, Controversiae illustres c. 4, n. Sff.; Digest XXXIX, 2, 96.
69 70 MARE LIBERVM conveniens, ut lucrum in medio positum suum quisque malit quam alterius, etiam qui ante perceperat.1 Quis ferat querentem opificem quod alter eiusdem artis exercitio ipsius commoda evertat? Batavorum autem causa eo est iustior, quia ipsorum hac in parte utilitas cum totius humani generis utilitate coniuncta est, quam Lusitani eversum eunt.2 Neque hoc recte dicetur ad aemulationem fieri, ut in re simili ostendit Vasquius: aut enim plane hoc negandum est, aut asseveran- dum non ad bonam modo, verum etiam ad optimam aemu- lationem fieri, iuxta Hesiodum: 3 otyaBrj 6' "Epis ySe pporoiat ' bona lis mortalibus haec est '. Nam etiam si quis pietate motus, inquit ille, frumentum in summa penuria vilius venderet, impediretur improba duritie eorum hominum, qui saeviente penuria suum carius fuerant vendituri. Verum est talibus modis minui aliorum reditus: nee id negarnus, ait, ' sed minuuntur cum universorum hominum commodo: ET VTINAM omnium PRINCIPVM et TYRRANO- RVM ORBIS reditus ita minuerentur '.
Quid ergo tarn iniquum videri potest, quam Hispanos vectigalem habere Terrarum Orbem, ut nisi ad illorum nutum nee emere liceat nee vendere? * In cunctis civitatibus dardanarios odio atque etiam poenis prosequimur; nee ullum tarn nefarium vitae genus videtur, quam ista annonae flagellatio.5 Merito quidem. Naturae enim faciunt 1 Vasquius, 1. c.
4 Code IV, 59 (De monopoliis, L. 1).
• Caietanus on Thomas Aquinas, Summa II. II, q. 77, a. 1, ad 3.
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS 70 another, even if that other had already discovered it.1 Who would countenance an artisan who complained that another artisan was taking away his profits by the exercise of the same craft? But the cause of the Dutch is the more reason- able, because their advantage in this matter is bound up with the advantage of the whole human race, an advantage which the Portuguese are trying to destroy.2 Nor will it be correct to say, that this is done in rivalry, as Vasquez shows in a similar case. For clearly we must either deny or affirm that this is done not only in honorable but in most honorable rivalry, and, according to Hesiod, ' This rivalry is honorable for mortal men '.3 For, says Vasquez, if any one should be so moved by love for his fellow men that he sells grain in hard times for a lower price than usual, he would diminish the wicked oppression of those men who in the same season of cruel financial stringency would have sold their grain at a higher price than usual. But, some one will object, by such methods the profits of others will be made less. ' We do not deny it ', says Vasquez, ' but they are made less to the corresponding advantage of all other men. And would that the profits of all Rulers and Tyrants of this world could be thus lessened '!
Indeed can anything more unjust be conceived than for the Spaniards to hold the entire world tributary, so that it is not permissible either to buy or to sell except at their good pleasure? * In all states we heap odium upon grain specu- lators and even bring them to punishment; and in very truth there seems to be no other sort of business so disgraceful as that of forcing up prices in the grain market.5 That is not 1 Vasquius, same reference.
• Vasquius, same reference, n. 5.
• In his Works and Days [The entire passage as translated by A. W. Mair (Oxford translation, page 1) is: "For when he that hath no business looketh on him that is rich, he hasteth to plow and to array his house: and neighbour vieth with neighbour hasting to be rich: good is this Strife for men."].
' Cajctan on Thomas Aquinas, Summa II. II, q. 77, a, 1, ad 3.
71 MARE LIBERVM iniuriam, quae in commune f ecunda est: l neque vero cen- seri debet in usus paucorum reperta negotiatio, sed ut quod alteri deest alterius copia pensaretur, iusto tamen com- pendio omnibus proposito, qui laborem ac periculum trans- ferendi in se suscipiunt.
Hoc ipsum igitur quod in republica, id est, minore hominum conventu, grave et perniciosum iudicatur, in magna ilia humani generis societate ferendumne est? ut scilicet totius mundi monopolium faciant populi His- pani? Invehitur Ambrosius in eos qui maria claudunt,2 Augustinus in eos qui itinera obstruunt; Nazianzenus in8 coemptores suppressoresque mercium, qui ex inopia aliorum soli quaestum faciunt, et ut ipse facundissime loquitur Haranpay^arevovrai rijs evdtias. Quin et divini sapientis sententia publicis diris devovetur sacerque habetur, qui alimenta supprimendo vexat annonam: o evvtx°°v Clament igitur Lusitani quantum, et quam diu libebit: ' Lucra nostra deciditis '. Respondebunt Batavi: ' Immo nostris invigilamus. Hocne indignamini in partem nos venire ventorum et maris? Et quis ilia vobis lucra mansura promiserat? Salvum est vobis, quo nos contenti sumus '.
1 In funere Basilii.
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS 71 to be wondered at, for such speculators are doing an injury to nature, who, as Aristotle says, is fertile for all alike.1 Accordingly it ought not to be supposed that trade was in- vented for the benefit of a few, but in order that the lack of one would be counterbalanced by the oversupply of another, a fair return also being guaranteed to all who take upon themselves the work and the danger of transport.
Is the same thing then which is considered grievous and pernicious in the smaller community of a state to be put up with at all in that great community of the human race? Shall the people of Spain, forsooth, assume a monopoly of all the world? Ambrose inveighs against those who inter- fere with the freedom of the sea; 2 Augustine against those who obstruct the overland routes; and Gregory of Nazianzus8 against those who buy goods and hold them, and thus (as he eloquently says) make profits for themselves alone out of the helplessness and need of others. Indeed in the opinion of this wise and holy man any person who holds back grain and thus forces up the market price ought to be given over to public punishment and be adjudged worthy of death.
Therefore the Portuguese may cry as loud and as long as they shall please: ' You are cutting down our profits '! The Dutch will answer: ' Nay! we are but looking out for our own interests! Are you angry because we share with you in the winds and the sea? Pray, who had promised that you would always have those advantages? You are secure in the possession of that with which we are quite content '.
1 Politics I, 9.
' In funere Basilii.
CAPVT XIII Batavis ius commercii Indicani qua pace, qua indutiis, qua bello retinendum Quare cum et ius et aequum postulet, libera nobis ita ut cuiquam esse Indiae commercia, superest, ut sive cum Hispanis pax, sive indutiae mint, sive bellum manet, omnino earn, quam a natura habemus libertatem tueamur. Nam ad pacem quod attinet, notum est earn esse duorum generum: aut enim pari foedere, aut impari coitur. Graeci1 istam vocant avf6^wjv eg taov hanc onovSds sS litirayndroov ilia virorum est, haec ingeniorum servilium. Demosthenes in oratione de libertate Rhodiorum:2 xairoi xPV rovf kofifrovf t\fv6epovS efvai rdf ex roov tmray^drcov <ptvyciv, a'ff eyyvS SovXeia? ovffaf, ' COS qui volunt CSSC liberi oportet omnes condiciones quibus leges imponuntur ita fugere tamquam quae proximae sunt servituti '. Tales autem sunt omnes quibus pars altera in hire suo imminuitur, iuxta Isocratis definitionem * vocantis rd TOVS trepovS tXarrovvra iracpd TO Sixaiov. Si enim, ut inquit Cicero,* ' suscipienda bella sunt ob earn causam, ut sine iniuria in pace vivatur ', sequitur eodem auctore, pacem esse vocandam, non pactionem servitutis, sed tranquillam libertatem; quippe cum et Philosophorum et Theologorum 1 Thucydides, Isocrates, Andocidcs. 1 Isocrates, Arohidamos 51. 1 Panegyricus 176. « De officus I, 35.
72 CHAPTER XIII The Dutch must maintain their right of trade with the East Indies by peace, by treaty, or by war Wherefore since both law and equity demand that trade with the East Indies be as free to us as to any one else, it follows that we are to maintain at all hazards that free- dom which is ours by nature, either by coming to a peace agreement with the Spaniards, or by concluding a treaty, or by continuing the war. So far as peace is concerned, it is well known that there are two kinds of peace, one made on terms of equality, the other on unequal terms. The Greeks 1 call the former kind a compact between equals, the latter an enjoined truce; the former is meant for high souled men, the latter for servile spirits. Demosthenes in his speech on the liberty of the Rhodians 2 says that it was necessary for those who wished to be free to keep away from treaties which were imposed upon them, because such treaties were almost the same as slavery. Such conditions are all those by which one party is lessened in its own right, according to the definition of Isocrates.3 For if, as Cicero says,* wars must be undertaken in order that people may live in peace unharmed, it follows that peace must be called not a pact which entails slavery but which brings undis- turbed liberty, especially as peace and justice according to 1 Thucydides, Isocrates, Andocides.
'Isocrates, Archidamos 51 [Grotius probably quoted here from memory].
1 Panegyric 176.
72 73 MARE LIBERVM complurium 1 iudicio pax et iustitia nominibus magis quam re differant, sitque pax non qualiscumque, sed ordinata concordia.
Indutiae autem si fiunt satis apparet ex ipsa indutiarum natura non debere medio earum tempore condicionem cuinsquam deteriorem fieri, cum ferme interdicti uti possi- detis instar obtineant.
Quod si in bellum trudimur hostium iniquitate, debet nobis causae aequitas spem ac fiduciam boni eventus addere. vnep coy ay e\arrdovrai ptxpl Svrarov aayrfS ito\t- vai, nepl 6f TOV nXtovexTtiy ot>x ovT&f, ' pro his in quibus iniuria afficiuntur omnes quantum omnino possunt depugnant: at propter alieni cupiditatem non item'; quod et Alexander Imperator ita expressit: TO j^v apxfiv dSlxcov epycov ovx dyYCkfiioya ex£t ri?y itpoxXrjaiy, TO 6e TOvS oxh-ovyrat anoffeifffffai en re TTJS ayaOfjf avvsiSr/aeoof txn TO OappaXioy, xai tn. TOV jjaj \adiH£iy aTOC afAvraffdai vndpx11 TO svfXm, ' eius a quo coepit iniuria, provocatio maxime invidiosa est; at cum depelluntur aggressores, sicut bona conscientia fiduciam secum fert, ita quia de vindicanda non de inferenda iniuria laboratur, spes etiam adsunt optimae '. Si ita necesse est, perge gens mari invictissima, nee tuam tantum, sed humani generis libertatem audacter propugna.
Nee te, quod classis centenis remigat alls, Terreat: INFITO labitur ilia MARI: Quodve vehunt prorae Centaurica saxa minantes, Tigna cava et pictos experiere metus. Frangit et attollit vires in milite causa; Quae nisi iusta subest, excutit arma pudor.* 1 Polus Lucanus apud Stobaeum, De iustitia (III, p. 362 Wachsmut-Hense); Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromateis; Augustinus, De civitate Dei IV, 15. •Demosthenes, De libertate Rhodiorum XV, 10 (p. 193 R.). •Propertius IV, vi, 47-52.
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS 73 the opinion of many philosophers and theologians * differ more in name than in fact, and as peace is a harmonious agreement based not on individual whim, but on well ordered regulations.
If however a truce is arranged for, it is quite clear from the very nature of a truce, that during its continuance no one's condition ought to change for the worse, inasmuch as both parties stand on the equivalent of a uti possidetis.
But if we are driven into war by the injustice of our enemies, the justice of our cause ought to bring hope and confidence in a happy outcome. " For," as Demosthenes has said, " every one fights his hardest to recover what he has lost; but when men endeavor to gain at the expense of others it is not so." 2 The Emperor Alexander has ex- pressed his idea in this way: ' Those who begin unjust deeds, must bear the greatest blame; but those who repel aggres- sors are twice armed, both with courage because of their just cause, and with the highest hope because they are not doing a wrong, but are warding off a wrong '.
Therefore, if it be necessary, arise, O nation uncon- quered on the sea, and fight boldly, not only for your own lib- erty, but for that of the human race. " Nor let it fright thee that their fleet is winged, each ship, with an hundred oars. The sea whereon it sails will have none of it. And though the prows bear figures threatening to cast rocks such as Centaurs throw, thou shalt find them but hollow planks and painted terrors. 'Tis his cause that makes or mars a soldier's strength. If the cause be not just, shame strikes the weapon from his hands." 3 1 Polus Lucanus apud Stobaeum, De iustitia; Clemens Alexandrinus, Stro- mateis; Augustine, City of God IV, 15.
•On the liberty of the Rhodians XV, 10 [Pickard-Cambridge's translation I, page 59].
• Propertius IV, vi, 47-52 [Butler's (Loeb) translation, page 305].
74 MARE LIBERVM Si iusta multi, et ipse Augustinus,1 arma crediderunt eo nomine suscipi, quod per terras alienas iter innoxium ne- garetur, quanto ilia erunt iustiora, quibus maris, quod naturae lege commune est, usus communis et innoxius postu- latur? Si iuste oppugnatae sunt gentes quae in suo solo commercia aliis interdicebant, quid illae quae populos ad se nihil pertinentes per vim distinent, ac mutuos earum com- meatus intercludunt? Si res ista in iudicio agitaretur, du- bitari non potest quae a viro bono expectari deberet sen- tentia, ait Praetor: 2 ' Quo minus illi in flumine publico navem agere, ratem agere, quove minus per ripam exonerate liceat, vim fieri veto '. De mari et litore in eandem f ormam dandum interdictum docent interpretes, exemplo Labeonis, qui cum interdiceret Praetor: 3 ' Ne quid in flumine publico ripave eius facias, quo static iterve navigio deterius sit, fiat '; simile dixit interdictum competere in mari: * ' Ne quid in mari inve litore facias, quo portus, statio, interve navigio deterius sit, fiat '.
Immo et post prohibitionem, si quis scilicet in mari navigare prohibitus sit, aut non permissus rem suam ven- dere, aut re sua uti, iniuriarum eo nomine competere actionem Vlpianus respondit.5 Theologi insuper et qui tractant casus, quos vocant, conscientiarum, Concordes tra- 1 De civitate Dei V, 1.
• Digest XLIII, 14, 1 (Ut in flumine publico navigare liceat).
• Digest XLIII, 12, 1 (De fluminibus, L. 1, in principle).
4 Digest XLIII, IS, 1 (De fluminibus, L. 1, § Si in mari aliquid).
• Digest XLIII, 8, 2 (Ne quid in loco publico, L. 2, § Si quis); XLVII, 10, 13 et 24 (De iniuriis, L. Iniuriarum actio, et L. Si quis proprium); Silvestris, In verbo ' restitutio ', 3 sub finem; Oldradus et Archidiaconus on Digest XLVIII, 12, 2 (De lege lulia de annona), and XLVII, 11, 6 (De extraordinariis criminibus. L. Annonam).
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS 74 If many writers, Augustine himself1 among them, be- lieved it was right to take up arms because innocent pas- sage was refused across foreign territory, how much more justly will arms be taken up against those from whom the demand is made of the common and innocent use of the sea, which by the law of nature is common to all? If those nations which interdicted others from trade on their own soil are justly attacked, what of those nations which sep- arate by force and interrupt the mutual intercourse of peo- ples over whom they have no rights at all? If this case should be taken into court, there can be no doubt what opinion ought to be anticipated from a just judge. The praetor's law says: 2 ' I forbid force to be used in preventing any one from sailing a ship or a boat on a public river, or from unloading his cargo on the bank '. The commentators say that the injunction must be applied in the same man- ner to the sea and to the seashore. Labeo, for example, in commenting on the praetor's edict,8 ' Let nothing be done in a public river or on its bank, by which a landing or a channel for shipping be obstructed ', said there was a similar interdict which applied to the sea, namely,* ' Let nothing be done on the sea or on the seashore by which a harbor, a landing, or a channel for shipping be obstructed '.
Now after this explicit prohibition, if any one be pre- vented from navigating the sea, or not allowed to sell or to make use of his own wares and products, Ulpian says that he can bring an action for damages on that ground.5 Also the theologians and the casuists agree that he who prevents another from buying or selling, or who puts his 1 City of God V, 1.
•Digest XLIII, 8, 2j XLVII, 10, 13 and 24; Silvestris, on the word ' re- stitutio'; Oldradus and Archidiaconus on Digest XLVIII, 12, 2, and XLVII, 11, 6 [Oldrado de Ponte (?-1335), a Bologna canonist. Archidiaconus is probably the Italian decretalist Guido Bosius.]
75 MARE LIBERVM dunt, eum qui alteruni vendere aut emere impediat, utilita- temve propriam publicae ac communi praeponat, aut ullo modo alterum in eo quod est iuris communis impediat, ad restitutionem teneri omnis damni viri boni arbitrio.
Secundum haec igitur vir bonus iudicans, Batavis liber- tateni commerciorum adiudicaret. Lusitanos et ceteros, qui earn libertatem impediunt, vetaret vim facere, et damna restituere iuberet. Quod autem in iudicio obtineretur, id ubi iudicium haberi non potest, iusto bello vindicatur. Augustinus: 1 ' Iniquitas partis adversae iusta ingerit bella '. Et Cicero: * ' Cum sint duo genera decertandi, ununi per disceptationem, alterum per vim, conf ugiendum ad posterius, si uti non licet priore '. Et Rex Theodoricus: ' Veniendum tune ad anna, cum locum apud adversarium iustitia non potest reperire '. Et quod proprius est nostro argumento,1 Pomponius eum qui rem omnibus communem cum incom- modo ceterorum usurpet, MANY PROHEBENDVM respondit. Theologi quoque tradunt, sicuti pro rerum cuiusque defensione bellum recte suscipitur, ita non minus recte suscipi, pro usu earum rerum quae natural! iure debent esse communes. Quare ei qui itinera praecludat, evection- emque mercium impediat, etiam non expectata ulla publica auctoritate, via facti, ut loquuntur, posse occurri.
Quae cum ita sint, minima verendum est, ne aut Deus 1 De cmtate Dei IV. *De ofieiis I, 34.
'Digest XLI, 1, 50 (De adquirendo rerum dominio, L. Quanms quod in litore); Henricus ron Gorcum, De bello josto 9.
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS 75 private interests before the public and common interests, or who in any way hinders another in the use of something which is his by common right, is held in damages to complete restitution in an amount fixed by an honorable arbitrator.
Following these principles a good judge would award to the Dutch the freedom of trade, and would forbid the Portuguese and others from using force to hinder that free- dom, and would order the payment of just damages. But when a judgment which would be rendered in a court cannot be obtained, it should with justice be demanded in a war. Augustine1 acknowledges this when he says: 'The injustice of an adversary brings a just war '. Cicero also says: 2 " There are two ways of settling a dispute; first, by discussion; second, by physical force; we must resort to force only in case we may not avail ourselves of discussion." And King Theodoric says: 'Recourse must then be had to arms when justice can find no lodg- ment in an adversary's heart '. Pomponius, however, has handed down a decision which has more bearing on our argu- ment * than any of the citations already made. He declared that the man who seized a thing common to all to the prejudice of every one else must be forcibly prevented from so doing. The theologians also say that just as war is righteously undertaken in defense of individual property, so no less righteously is it undertaken in behalf of the use of those things which by natural law ought to be common property. Therefore he who closes up roads and hinders the export of merchandise ought to be prevented from so doing via facti, even without waiting for any public authority.
Since these things are so, there need not be the slightest i- 1 City of God IV.
' De officiis I, SI [Walter Miller's (Loeb) translation, page 37].
•Digest XLI, 1, 50; Heinrich von Gorcum, De bello justo 9.
76 MARE LIBERVM eorum conatus secundet, qui ab ipso institutum ius naturae certissimum violant, aut homines ipsi eos inultos patiantur, qui solo quaestus sui respectu communem humani generis utilitatem oppugnant.
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS 76 fear that God will prosper the efforts of those who violate that most stable law of nature which He himself has in- stituted, or that even men will allow those to go unpunished who for the sake alone of private gain oppose a common benefit of the human race.
AFPEXDIX Tan letter* of FVBp HZ, Ot ttxc Bno our ••nto^ •& WKB I Portngotse is ck«rij- dfadoaed, toanalate into Lctm two of tbcrn wftieh kadi pntienfar bear- upon ubc coototwrciST st BSDC, ma to ip p«3ni type of an .for for other prohibit aU l tha As to proceed to the faMImem of fall power of TOOT aafthanhr. i J, or ntnlarlr to tike contrary, beiru?
sort, or 78 MARE LIBERVM