which Were before united; displaced such governors of towns and forts as were not for their turn, though placed there by ordinance of Parliament; instead of whom, they put in men of their own party. They also made the Parlia- ment to declare null all that had passed in the Houses from July the 26th to August the 6th, and clapped in prison some of the lords, and some of the most eminent-citizens, whereof the lord mayor was one.
Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 143 B. Cromwell had power enough now to restore the TCing. Why did he it not?
A. His main end was to set himself in his place. The restoring of the King was but a reserve against the Parlia- ment, which being in his pocket, he had no more need of the King, who was now an impediment to him. To keep him in the army was a trouble j to let him fall into the hands of the Presbyterians had been a stop to his hopes; to murder him privately (besides the horror of the act) now whilst he was no more than lieutenant-general, would have made him odious without furthering his design. There was nothing better for his purpose than to let him escape from Hampton Court (where he was too near the Parliament) whither he pleased beyond sea. For though Cromwell had a great party in the Parliament House whilst they saw not his ambition to be their master, yet they would have been his enemies as soon as that had appeared. —To make the King attempt an escape, some of those that had him in custody, by Cromwell's direction told him that the adjutators meant to murder him; and withal caused a rumour of the same to be generally spread, to the end it might that way also come to the King's ear, as it did.
The King, therefore, in a dark and rainy night, his guards being retired, as it was thought, on purpose, left Hampton Court and went to the sea-side about Southampton, where a vessel had been bespoken to transport him, but failed; so that the King was forced to trust himself with Colonel Hammond, then governor of the Isle of Wight j expecting perhaps some kindness from him, for Dr. Hammond's sake, brother to the colonel and his Majesty's much favoured chaplain. But it proved otherwise; for the colonel sent to his masters of the Parliament, to receive their orders con- cerning him. This going into the Isle of Wight was not likely to be any part of Cromwell's design, who neither knew whither nor which way he would go; nor had Ham- mond known any more than other men, if the ship had come to the appointed place in due timei B. If the King had escaped into France, might not the French have assisted him with forces to recover his kingdom, and so frustrated the designs both of Cromwell and all the King's other enemies?
A. Yes, much; just as they assisted his son, our present most gracious Sovereign, who two years before fled thither out of Cornwall.
B. It is methinks no great polity in neighbouring princes to favour, so often as they do, one another's rebels, especially when they rebel against monarchy itself. They should rather, first, make a league against rebellion and afterwards, (if there be no remedy) fight one against another. Nor will that serve the turn amongst Christian sovereigns, till preach- ing be better looked to, whereby the interpretation of a verse in the Hebrew, Greek, or Latin Bible, is oftentimes the cause of civil war and the deposing and assassinating of God's anointed. And yet, converse with those divinity- disputers as long as you will, you will hardly find one in a hundred discreet enough to be employed in any great affair, either of war or peace. It is not the right of the sovereign, though granted to him by every man's express consent, that can enable him to do his office; it is the obedience of the subject, which must do that. For what good is it to promise allegiance, and then by and by to cry out (as some ministers did in the pulpit) To your tents, O Israel!? Common people know nothing of right or wrong by their own medi- tation; they must therefore be taught the grounds of their duty, and the reasons why calamities ever follow disobedience to their lawful sovereigns. But to the contrary, our rebels were publicly taught rebellion in the pulpits; and that there was no sin, but the doing of what the preachers forbade, or the omission of what they advised. — But now the King was the Parliament's prisoner, why did not the Presbyterians advance their own interest by restoring him?
A. The Parliament, in which there were more Presby- terians yet than Independents, might have gotten what they would of the King during his life, if they had not by an Dialogue^. BEHEMOTH.
unconscionable and sottish ambition obstructed the way to their ends. They sent him four propositions, to be signed and passed by him as Acts of Parliament; telling him, when these were granted, they would send commissioners to treat with him of any other articles.
The propositions were these: First, that the Parliament should have the militia, and the power of levying money to maintain it, for twenty years; and after that term, the exercise thereof to return to the King, in case the Parlia- ment think the safety of the kingdom concerned in it.
B. The first article takes from the King the militia, and consequently the whole sovereignty for ever.
A. The second was, that the King should justify the proceedings of the Parliament against himself; and declare void all declarations 1 made by him against the Parliament.
B. This was to make him guilty of the war, and of all the blood spilt therein.
A. The third was, to take away all titles of honour con- ferred by the King since the Great Seal was carried to him The fourth was, that the Parliament should adjourn themselves, when, and to what place, and for what time they pleased.
These propositions the King refused to grant, as he had reason; but sent others of his own, not much less advan- tageous to the Parliament, and desired a personal treaty upon them with the Parliament, for the settling of the peace of the kingdom. But the Parliament denying them to be sufficient for that purpose, voted that there should be no more addresses made to him, nor messages received from him; but that they would settle the kingdom without him. And this they voted partly upon the speeches and menaces of the army-faction then present in the House of Commons, whereof one advised these three points: 1. To secure the King in some inland castle with guards; 2. To draw up articles of impeachment against him; 3. To lay him by, and settle the kingdom without him.
1 all oaths and declarations — the two words erased in the MS. II Another said, that his denying of the four bills was the denying protection to his subjects; and that therefore they might deny him subjection; and added, that till the Parlia- ment forsook the army, the army would never forsake the Parliament. This was threatening.
Last of all, Cromwell himself told them, it was now expected that the Parliament should govern and defend the kingdom, and not any longer let the people expect their safety from a man whose heart God had hardened; nor let those, that had so well defended the Parliament, be left hereafter to the rage of an irreconcilable enemy, lest they seek their safety some other way. This again was threaten- ing; as also the laying his hand upon his sword when he spake it.
And hereupon the vote of non-addresses was made an ordinance; which the House would afterwards have recalled, but was forced by Cromwell to keep their word.
The Scots were displeased with it; partly because their brethren the Presbyterians had lost a great deal of their power in England, and partly also, because they had sold the King into their hands.
The King now published a passionate complaint to his people of this hard dealing with him; which made them pity him, but not yet rise in his behalf.
B. Was not this, think you, the true time for Cromwell to take possession?
A. By no means. There were yet many obstacles to be removed. He was not general of the army. The army was still for a Parliament. The city of London discon- tented about their militia. The Scots expected with an army to rescue the King. His adjutators were levellers, and against monarchy, who though they had helped him to bring under the Parliament, yet, like dogs that are easily taught to fetch, and not easily taught to render, would not make ,him king. So that Cromwell had these businesses following to overcome, before he could formally make himself a sovereign prince: 1. To be Generalissimo: 2. To remove Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH.
the King: 3. To suppress all insurrections here: 4. To oppose the Scots: and lastly, to.dissolve the present Parlia- ment. Mighty businesses, which he could never promise himself to overcome. Therefore I cannot believe he then thought to be King; but only by well serving the strongest party, which was always his main polity, to proceed as far as that and fortune would carry him.
B. The Parliament were certainly no less foolish than wicked, in deserting thus the King, before they had the army at a better command than they had.
A. In the beginning of 1648 the Parliament gave com- mission to Philip Earl of Pembroke, then made Chancellor of Oxford, together with some of the doctors there as good divines as he, to purge the University. By virtue whereof they turned out all such as were not of their faction, and all such as had approved the use of the Common-prayer-book; as also divers scandalous ministers and scholars (that is, such as customarily without need took the name of God into their mouths, or used to speak wantonly, or haunt the company of lewd women). And for this last I cannot but commend them.
B. So shall not I; for it is just such another piece of piety, as to turn men out of an hospital because they are lame. Where can a man probably learn godliness, and how to correct his vices, better than in the universities erected for that purpose?
A. It may be, the Parliament thought otherwise. For I have often heard the complaints of parents, that their children were debauched there to drunkenness, wantonness, gaming, and other vices consequent to these. Nor is it a wonder amongst so many youths, if they did corrupt one another in despite of their tutors, who oftentimes were little elder than themselves. And therefore I think the Parlia- ment did not much reverence that institution of universities, as to the bringing up of young men to virtue; though many of them learned there to preach, and became thereby capable of preferment and maintenance; and some others were sent thither by their parents, to save themselves the trouble of governing them at home, during that time where- in children are least governable. Nor do I think the Parliament cared more for the clergy than other men did. But certainly an university is an excellent servant to the clergy; and the clergy, if it be not carefully looked to (by their dissensions in doctrines and by the advantage to publish their dissensions), is an excellent means to divide a kingdom into factions.
B. But seeing there is no place in this part of the world, where philosophy and other humane sciences are not highly valued; where can they be learned better than in the Universities?
A. What other sciences? Do not divines comprehend all civil and moral philosophy within their divinity? And as for natural philosophy, is it not removed from Oxford and Cambridge to Gresham College in London, and to be learned out of their gazettes? But we are gone from our subject.
B. No; we are indeed gone from the greater businesses of the kingdom; to which, if you please, let us return.
A. The first insurrection, or rather tumult, was that of the apprentices, on the 9th of April. But this was not upon the King's account, but arose from a customary assembly of them for recreation in Moorfields, whence some zealous officers of the trained soldiers would needs drive them away by force; but were themselves routed with stones; and had their ensign taken away by the apprentices, which they carried about in the streets, and frighted the lord mayor into his house; where they took a gun called a drake; and then they set guards at some of the gates, and all the rest of the day childishly swaggered up and down: but the next day the general himself marching into the city, quickly dispersed them. This was but a small business, but enough to let them see that the Parliament was *but* ill-beloved of the people.
Next, the Welch took arms against them. There wer Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 149 three colonels in Wales, Langhorne, Poyer, and Powel, who had formerly done the Parliament good service, but now were commanded to disband; which they refused to do; and the better to strengthen themselves, declared for the King; and were about 8,000.
About the same time, in Wales also, was another insur- rection, headed by Sir Nicholas Keymish, and another under Sir John Owen; so that now all Wales was in rebel- lion against the Parliament: and yet all these were overcome in a month's time by Cromwell and his officers; but not without store of bloodshed on both sides.
B. I do not much pity the loss of those men, that impute to the King that which they do upon their own quarrel.
A. Presently after this, some of the people of Surrey sent a petition to the Parliament for a personal treaty between the King and the Parliament; but their messengers were beaten home again by the soldiers that were quartered about West- minster and the mews. And then the Kentish men having a like petition to deliver, and seeing how ill it was like to be received, threw it away and took up arms. They had many gallant officers, and for general the Earl of Norwich; and increased daily by apprentices and old disbanded soldiers. Insomuch as the Parliament was glad to restore to the city their militia, and to keep guards on the Thames side: and then Fairfax marched towards the enemy.
B. And then the Londoners, I think, might easily and suddenly have mastered, first the Parliament, and next Fairfax his 8,000, and lastly Cromwell's army; or at least have given the Scotch army opportunity to march un- foughten to London.
A. It is true: but the city was never good at venturing; nor were they or the Scots principled to have a King over them, but under them. Fairfax marching with his 8,000 against the royalists, routed a part of them at Maidstone; another part were taking in of places in Kent further off; and the Earl of Norwich with the rest came to Blackheath, and thence sent to the city to get passage through it, to join 150 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
with those which were risen in Essex under Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle; which being denied, the greatest part of his Kentish men deserted him. With the rest, not above 500, he crossed the Thames into the Isle of Dogs, and so to Bow, and thence to Colchester. Fairfax having notice of this, crossed the Thames at Gravesend; and overtaking them, besieged them in Colchester. The town had no defence but a breastwork, and yet held out, upon hope of the Scotch army to relieve them, the space of two months. Upon news of the defeat of the Scots they were forced to yield. The Earl of Norwich was sent prisoner to London. Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle, two loyal and gallant persons, were shot to death. There was also another little insurrection, headed by the Earl of Holland, about Kingston; but quickly suppressed, and he himself taken prisoner.
B. How came the Scots to be so soon dispatched?
A. Merely (as it is said) for want of conduct. Their army was led by Duke Hamilton, who was then set at liberty, when Pendennis Castle, where he was prisoner, was taken by the Parliamentarians. He entered England with horse and foot 15,000, to which came in above 3,000 English royalists. Against these Cromwell marched out of Wales with horse and foot 11,000, and near to Preston in Lanca- shire, in less than two hours, defeated them. And the cause of it is said to be, that the Scotch army was so ordered as they could not all come to the fight, nor relieve their fellows. After the defeat, they had no way to fly but further into England; so that in the pursuit they were almost all taken, and lost all that an army can lose; for the few that got home, did not all bring home their swords. Duke Hamilton was taken, and not long after sent to London. But Cromwell marched on to Edinburgh, and there, by the help of the faction which was contrary to Hamilton's, he made sure not to be hindered in his designs; the first whereof was to take away the King's life by the hand of the Parliament.
Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 151 Whilst these things passed in the north, the Parliament (Cromwell being away) came to itself, and recalling their vote of non-addresses, sent to the King new propositions, some- what (but not much) easier than formerly. And upon the King's answer to them, they sent commissioners to treat with him at Newport in the Isle of Wight; where they so long dodged with him about trifles, that Cromwell was come to London before they had done, to the King's destruction. For the army was now wholly at the devotion of Cromwell, who set the adjutators on work again to make a remonstrance to the House of Commons, wherein they require: 1. That the King be brought to justice: 2. That the Prince and Duke of York be summoned to appear at a day appointed, and proceeded with, according as they should give satisfaction: 3. That the Parliament settle the peace and future govern- ment, and *then* set a reasonable period to their own sitting, and make certain future Parliaments, annual, or biennial: 4. That a competent number of the King's chief instruments be executed. And this to be done both by the House of Commons and by a general agreement of the people testi- fied by their subscriptions. Nor did they stay for an answer, but presently set a guard of soldiers at the Parlia- ment-house door, and other soldiers in Westminster Hall, suffering none to go into the House but such as would serve their turns. All others were frighted away, or made prisoners, and some upon divers quarrels suspended; above ninety of them, because they had refused to vote against the Scots; and others, because they had voted against the vote of non-addresses: and the rest were a House for Cromwell. The fanatics also in the city being countenanced by the army, pack a new common-council, whereof any forty was to be above the mayor; and their first work was to frame a petition for justice against the King, which Tichborne, the mayor (involving the city in the regicide) delivered to the Parliament.
At the same time, with the like violence, they took the King from Newport in the Isle of Wight, to Hurst Castle, 152 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
till things were ready for his trial. The Parliament in the meantime (to avoid perjury) by an ordinance declared void the oaths of supremacy and allegiance, and presently after made another to bring the King to his trial.
B. This is a piece of law I understood not before, that when many swear singly, they may, when they are assembled, if they please, absolve themselves.
A. The ordinance being drawn up was brought into the House, where after three several readings it was voted, " that the Lords and Commons of England, assembled in Parliament, do declare, that by the fundamental laws of the realm, it is treason in the King of England to levy war against the Parliament." And this vote was sent up to the Lords; and they denying their consent, the Commons in anger made another vote: " That all members of com- mittees should proceed and act in any ordinance, whether the Lords concurred or no; and that the people, under God, are the original of all just power; and that the House of Commons have the supreme power of the nation; and that whatsoever the House of Commons enacteth, is law." All this passed nemine contradicente.
B. These propositions fight not only against the King of England, but against all the kings of the world. It were good they thought on it. But yet, I believe that under God the original of all laws was in the people.
A. But the people, for them and their heirs, by consent and oaths, have long ago put the supreme power of the nation into the hands of their kings, for them and their heirs; and consequently into the hands of this King, their known and lawful sovereign. 1 B. But does not the Parliament represent the people? A. Yes, to some purposes; as to put up petitions to the King, when they have leave, and are grieved; but not to make a grievance with the King's power. Besides, the Parliament never represents the people but when the King calls them; nor is it to be imagined that he calls a Parlia- 1 lawful heir — corr. H.
Dialogue i. BEHEMOTH. 153 ment to depose him. Put the case, every county and borough should have given this Parliament for a benevo- lence a sum of money; and that every county, meeting in their county-court or elsewhere, and every borough in their town-hall, should have chosen '"certain* men to carry their several sums respectively to the Parliament. Had not these men represented the whole nation? B. Yes, no doubt.
A. Do you think the Parliament would have thought it reasonable to be called to account by this representative?
B. No, sure; and yet I must confess the case is the same. A. This ordinance contained, first, a summary of the charge against the King, in substance this: that not content with the encroachments of his predecessors upon the free- dom of the people, he had designed to set up a tyrannical government; and to that end, had raised and maintained in the land a civil war against the Parliament, whereby the country hath been miserably wasted, the public treasure exhausted, thousands of people murdered, and infinite other mischiefs committed. Secondly, a constitution passed of a high court of justice, that is, of a certain number of com- missioners, of whom any twenty had power to try the King, and to proceed to sentence according to the merit of the cause, and see it speedily executed.
The commissioners met on Saturday, January 20th, in Westminister Hall, and the King was brought before them; where, sitting in a chair, he heard the charge read, but denied to plead to it either guilty or not guilty, till he should know by what lawful authority he was brought thither. The presi- dent told him that the Parliament affirmed their own au- thority; and the King persevered in his refusal to plead. Though many words passed between him and the president, yet this was the substance of it all.
On Monday, January 22nd, the court met again; and then the solicitor moved that if the King persisted in denying the authority of the court, the charge might be taken pro confesso: but the King still denied their authority.
154 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 3.
They met again January the 23rd, and then the solicitor moved the court for judgment; whereupon the King was required to give his final answer: which was again a denial of their authority.
Lastly, they met again January the 27 th, where the King desired to be heard before the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber, and promising after that to abide the judgment of the court. The commissioners retired for half an hour to consider of it, and then returning caused the King to be brought again to the bar, and told him that what he proposed was but another denial of the court's jurisdic- tion; and that if he had no more to say, they would proceed. Then the King answering that he had no more to say, the president began a long speech in justification of the Parlia- ment's proceedings, producing the examples of many kings killed or deposed by wicked Parliaments, ancient and modern, in England, Scotland, and other parts of the world. All which he endeavoured to justify from this only principle: that the people have the supreme power, and the Parliament is the people. This speech ended, the sentence of death was read; and the same upon Tuesday after, January 30th, executed at the gate of his own palace of Whitehall. He that can delight in reading how villainously he was used by the soldiers between the sentence and execution, may go to the chronicle itself; in which he shall see what courage, patience, wisdom, and goodness was in this prince, whom in their charge the members of that wicked Parliament styled tyrant, traitor, and murderer.
The King being dead, the same day they made an act of Parliament: that whereas several pretences might be made to the crown, &c, it is enacted by this present Parliament and by authority of the same, that no person presume to declare, proclaim, or publish, or any way promote Charles Stuart, son of Charles late King of England, commonly called Prince of Wales, or any other person, to be King of England or Ireland, &c.
B. Seeing the King was dead, and his successor barred; by what declared authority was the peace maintained?
Dialogue 3. BEHEMOTH. 155 A. They had, in their anger against the Lords, formerly declared the supreme power of the nation to be in the House of Commons; and now, on February the 5th, they vote the House of Lords to be useless and dangerous. And thus the kingdom is turned into a democracy, or rather an oligarchy; for presently they made an act: that none of those members, who were secluded for opposing the vote of non-addresses, should ever be re-admitted. And these were commonly called the secluded members; and the rest were by some styled a Parliament, and by others the Rump.
I think you need not now have a catalogue, either of the vices, or of the crimes, or of the follies of the greatest part of them that composed the Long Parliament; than which greater cannot be in the world. What greater vices than irreligion, hypocrisy, avarice and cruelty; which have ap- peared so eminently in the actions of Presbyterian members and Presbyterian ministers? What greater crimes than blaspheming and killing God's anointed? which was done by the hands of the Independents, but by the folly and first treason of the Presbyterians, who betrayed and sold him to his murderers? Nor was it a little folly in the Lords, not to see that by the taking away of the King's power they lost withal their own privileges; or to think themselves, either for number or judgment, any way a considerable assistance to the House of Commons. And for those men who had skill in the laws, it was no great sign of understanding not to perceive that the laws of the land were made by the King, to oblige his subjects to peace and justice, and not to oblige himself that made them. And lastly and generally, all men are fools which pull down anything which does them good, before they have set up something better in its place. He that would set up democracy with an army, should have an army to maintain it; but these men did it, when those men had the army that were resolved to pull it down. To these follies I might add the folly of those fine men, which out of their reading of Tully, Seneca, or other anti-monarchies, think themselves sufficient politics, and show their discontent when IS6 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 4.
they are not called to the management of the state, and turn from one side to another upon every neglect they fancy from the King or his enemies.
DIALOGUE IV.
A. You have seen the Rump in possession (as they believed) of the supreme power over the two nations England and Ireland, and the army their servant; though Cromwell thought otherwise, serving them diligently for the advance- ment of his own purposes. I am now therefore to show you their proceedings.
B. Tell me first, how this kind of government under the Rump or relic of a House of Commons is to be called?
A. It is doubtless an oligarchy. For the supreme au- thority must needs be in one man or in more. If in one, it is monarchy; the Rump therefore was no Monarch. 1 If the authority were in more than one, it was in all, or in fewer than all. When in all, it is democracy; for every man may enter into the assembly which makes the Sovereign Court; which they could not do here. It is therefore manifest, that the authority was in a few, and consequently the state was an oligarchy.
B. Is it not impossible for a people to be well governed, that are to obey more masters than one?
A. Both the Rump and all other sovereign assemblies, if they have but one voice, though they be many men, yet are they but one person. For contrary commands cannot con- sist in one and the same voice, which is the voice of the greatest part; and therefore they might govern well enough, if they had honesty and wit enough.
The first act of the Rump, was the exclusion of those members of the House of Commons, which had been formerly kept out by violence for the procuring of an ordi- 1 was no monarchy.
■¥ Dialogue 4. BEHEMOTH. 157 nance for the King's trial; for these men had appeared against the ordinance of non-addresses, and therefore to be excluded, because they might else be an impediment to their future designs.
B. Was it not rather, because in the authority of few they thought the fewer the better, both in respect of their shares and also of a nearer approach in every one of them to the dignity of a King?
A. Yes, certainly, that was their principal end.
B. When these were put out, why did not the counties and boroughs choose others in their places?
A. They could not do that without order from the House. After this they constituted a council of forty persons, which they termed a Council of State, whose office was to execute what the Rump should command.
B. When there was neither King nor House of Lords, they could not call themselves a Parliament; for a Parlia- ment is a meeting of the King, Lords, and Commons, to confer together about the businesses of the commonwealth. With whom did the Rump confer?
A. Men may give to their assembly what name they please, what signification soever such name might formerly have had; and the Rump took the name of Parliament, as most suitable to their purpose, and such a name, as being venerable amongst the people, had for many hundred years counte- nanced and sweetened subsidies and other levies of money, otherwise very unpleasant to the subject. They took also afterwards another name, which was Custodes Libertatis Anglice, which title they used only in their writs issuing out of the courts of justice.
B. I do not see how a subject that is tied to the laws, can have more liberty in one form of government than in another.
A. Howsoever, to the people that understand by liberty nothing but leave to do what they list, it was a title not ingrateful.
Their next work was to set forth a public declaration, Ll^l *krr4 158 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 4.
that they were fully resolved to maintain the fundamental laws of the nation, as to the preservation of the lives, liberties, and proprieties of he people.
B. What did they mean by the fundamental laws of the nation?
A. Nothing but to abuse the people. For the only fundamental law in every commonwealth is to obey the laws from time to time, which he shall make to whom the people have given the supreme power. How likely then are they to uphold the fundamental laws, that had murdered him who was by themselves so often acknowledged for their lawful sovereign? Besides, at the same time that this declaration came forth, they were erecting that High Court of Justice which took away the lives of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, and the Lord Capel. Whatsoever they meant by a fundamental law, the erecting of this court was a breach of it, as being warranted by no former law or example in England.
At the same time also they levied taxes by soldiers, and to soldiers permitted free quarter, and did many other actions, which if the King had done, they would have said had been done against the liberty and propriety of the subject. I B. What silly things are the common sort of people, to be cozened as they were so grossly!