B. What did the Parliament do, whilst the King was in Scotland?
A. The King went in August; after which, the Parlia- ment, September the 8th, adjourned till the 20th of Octo- ber; and the King returned in the beginning of December following. In which time the most seditious of both Houses, and which had designed the change of government and to cast off monarchy (but yet had not wit enough to set up any Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 7g other government in its place, and consequently left it to the chance of war), made a cabal amongst themselves; in which they projected how, by seconding one another, to govern the House of Commons, and invented how to put the kingdom, by the power of that House, into a rebellion, which they then called a posture of defence against such dangers from abroad, as they themselves should feign and publish. Besides, whilst the King was in Scotland, the Irish Papists got together a great party, with an intention to massacre the Protestants there, and had laid a design for the seizing of Dublin Castle, on October 23, where the King's officers of the government of that country made their residence; and had effected it, had it not been dis- covered the night before. The manner of the discovery, and the murders they committed in the country afterwards, I need not tell you, since the whole story of it is extant.
B. I wonder they did not expect and provide for a re- bellion in Ireland, as soon as they began to quarrel with the King in England. For was there any body so ignorant, as not to know that the Irish Papists did long for a change of religion there, as well as the Presbyterians in England? Or, that in general, the Irish nation did hate the name of subjection to England, nor would longer be quiet, than they feared an army out of England to chastise them? What better time then could they take for their rebellion than this, wherein they were encouraged, not only by our weakness caused by this division between the King and his Parliament, but also by the example of the Presbyterians, both of the Scotch and English nation? But what did the Parliament do upon this occasion, in the King's absence?
A. Nothing; but consider what use they might make of it to their own ends; partly, by imputing it to the King's evil counsellors, and partly, by occasion thereof to demand of the King the power of pressing and ordering soldiers; which power whosoever has, has also, without doubt, the whole sovereignty.
B. When came the King back?
8o BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
A. He came back the 25th of November; and was welcomed with the acclamations of the common people, as much as if he had been the most beloved of all the Kings that were before him; but found not a reception by the Parliament, answerable to it. They presently began to pick new quarrels against him, out of everything he said to them. December the 2nd, the King called together both Houses of Parliament, and then did only recommend unto them the raising of succours for Ireland.
B. What quarrel could they pick out of that?
A. None: but in order thereto, as they may pretend, they had a bill in agitation to assert the power of levying and pressing soldiers to the two Houses of the Lords and Commons; which was as much as to take from the King the power of the militia, which is in effect the whole sove- reign power. For he that hath the power of levying and commanding the soldiers, has all other rights of sovereignty which he shall please to claim. The King, hearing of it, called the Houses of Parliament together again, on Decem- ber the 14th, and then pressed again the business of Ire- land (as there was need; for all this while the Irish were murdering the English in Ireland, and strengthening them- selves against the forces they expected to come out of England): and withal, told them he took notice of the bill in agitation for pressing of soldiers, and that he was contented it should pass with a salvo jure both for him and them, because the present time was unseasonable to dispute it in.
E. What was there unreasonable in this?
A. Nothing: what is unreasonable is one question, what they quarrelled at is another. They quarrelled at this: that his Majesty took notice of that bill, while it was in debate in the House of Lords, before it was presented to him in the course of Parliament; and also that he showed himself displeased with those that propounded the said bill; both which they declared to be against the privileges of Parliament, and petitioned the King to give them repara- Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 81 tion against those by whose evil counsel he was induced to it, that they might receive condign punishment.
B. This was a cruel proceeding. Do not the Kings of England use to sit in the Lords' House when they please? And was not this bill in debate then in the House of Lords? It is a strange thing that a man should be lawfully in the company of men, where he must needs hear and see what they say and do, and yet must not take notice of it so much as to the same company; for though the King was not at the debate itself, yet it was lawful for any of the Lords to make him acquainted with it. Any one of the House of Commons, though not present at a proposition or debate in the House, nevertheless hearing of it from some of his fellow-members, may certainly not only take notice of it, but also speak to it in the House of Commons: but to make the King give up his friends and counsellors to them, to be put to death, banishment, or imprisonment, for their good-will to him, was such a tyranny over a king, no king ever exercised over any subject but in cases of treason or murder, and seldom then.
A. Presently hereupon began a kind of war between the pens of the Parliament and those of the secretaries, and other able men that were with the King. For upon the 15th of December they sent to the King a paper called A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, and with it a petition; both which they caused to be published. In the remomstrance they complained of certain mischievous designs of a malignant party, then, before the beginning of the Parliament, grown ripe; and did set forth what means had been used for the preventing of it by the wisdom of the Parliament; what rubs they had found therein; what course was fit to be taken for restoring and establishing the ancient honour, greatness, and safety, of the Crown and nation.
And of these designs the promoters and actors were (they said) 1. Jesuited Papists: 2. The bishops, and that part of the clergy that cherish 7 82 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
formality as a support of their own ecclesiastical tyranny and usurpation: 3. Counsellors and courtiers, that for private ends (they said) had engaged themselves to further the interests of some foreign princes.
B. It may very well be, that some of the bishops, and also some of the court, may have, in pursuit of their private interest, done something indiscreetly, and perhaps wickedly. Therefore I pray you tell me in particular what their crimes were: for methinks the King should not have connived at anything against his own supreme authority.
A. The Parliament were not very keen against those that were for the King, 1 they made no doubt but all they did was by the King's command; but accused thereof the bishops, counsellors, and courtiers, as being a more man- nerly way of accusing the King himself, and defaming him to his subjects. For the truth is, the charge they brought against them was so general as not to be called an accusa- tion, but railing. As first (they said) they nourished ques- tions of prerogative and liberty between the King and his people, to the end that, seeming much addicted to his Majesty's service, they might get themselves into places of greatest trust and power in the kingdom.
B. How could this be called an accusation, in which there is no fact, for any accusers to apply their proofs to, or their witnesses. For granting that these questions of pre- rogative had been moved by them, who can prove that their end was to gain to themselves and friends the places of trust and power in the kingdom?
A. A second accusation was, that they endeavoured to suppress the purity and power of religion.
B. That is canting. 'Tis not in man's power to suppress the power of religion.
A. They meant that they would suppress the doctrine of the Presbyterians; that is to say, the very foundation of the then Parliament's treacherous pretensions.
■. Keen against them that were against the King edd. which has been corrected as above, by the author's own hand, in the MS.
Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 83 A third, that they cherished Arminians, Papists, and libertines (by which they meant the common Protestants, which meddle not with disputes), to the end they might compose a body fit to act according to their counsels and resolutions.
A fourth, that they endeavoured to put the King upon other courses of raising money, than by the ordinary way of Parliaments.
Judge whether these may be properly called accusations, or not rather spiteful reproaches of the King's government.
B. Methinks this last was a very great fault. For what good could there be in putting the King upon any odd course of getting money, when the Parliament was willing to supply him, as far as to the security of the kingdom, or to the honour of the King, should be necessary?
A. But I told you before, they would give him none, but with a condition he should cut off the heads of whom they pleased, how faithfully soever they had served him. And if he would have sacrificed all his friends to their ambition, yet they would have found other excuses for denying him subsidies; for they were resolved to take from him the sovereign power to themselves; which they could never do without taking great care that he should have no money at all. In the next place, they put into the remonstrance, as faults of them whose counsel the King followed, all those things which since the beginning of the King's reign were by them misliked, whether faults or not, and whereof they were not able to judge for want of knowledge of the causes and motives that induced the King to do them, and were known only to the King himself, and such of his privy- council as he revealed them to.
B. But what were those particular pretended faults?
A. 1. The dissolution of his first Parliament at Oxford. 2. The dissolution of his second Parliament, being in the second year of his reign. 3. The dissolution of his Parlia- ment in the fourth year of his reign. 4. The fruitless expedition against Calais. 5. The peace made with Spain, 84 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
whereby the Palatine's cause was deserted, and left to chargeable and hopeless treaties. 6. The sending of com- missions to raise money by way of loan. 7. Raising of ship-money. 8. Enlargement of forests, contrary to Magna Charta. 9. The design of engrossing all the gunpowder into one hand, and keeping it in the Tower of London. 10. A design to bring in the use of brass money, n. The fines, imprisonments, stigmatizings, mutilations, whippings, pillories, gags, confinements, and banishments, by sentence in the Court of Star- Chamber. 12. The displacing of judges. 13. Illegal acts of the Council-table. 14. The arbitrary and illegal power of the Earl Marshal's Court. 15. The abuses in Chancery, Exchequer-chamber, and Court of Wards. 16. The selling of titles of honour, of judges, and Serjeants' places, and other offices. 17. The insolence of bishops and other clerks, in suspensions, ex- communications, deprivations, and degradations of divers painful, learned and pious ministers.
B. Was there any such ministers degraded, deprived, or excommunicated?
A. I cannot tell. But I remember I have heard threat- ened divers painful, unlearned and seditious ministers.
18. The excess of severity of the High Commission- Court. 19. The preaching before the King against the property of the subject, and for the prerogative of the King above the law. And divers other petty quarrels they had to the government; which though they were laid upon this faction, yet they knew they would fall upon the King himself in the judgment of the people, to whom, by printing, they were communicated.
Again, after the dissolution of the Parliament May the 5th, 1640, they find other faults: as the dissolution itself, the imprisoning some members of both Houses, a forced loan of money attempted in London, the continuance of the Convocation, when the Parliament was ended; and the favour showed to Papists by Secretary Windebank and others.
B. All this will go current with common people for mis- Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 85 government, and for faults of the King, though some of them were misfortunes; and both the misfortunes and the misgovemment (if any were) were the faults of the Parlia- ment; who, by denying to give him money, did both frustrate his attempts abroad, and put him upon those extraordinary ways (which they call illegal) of raising money at home.
A. You see what a heap of evils they have raised to make a show of ill-government to the people, which they second with an enumeration of the many services they have done the King in overcoming a great many of them, though not all, and in divers other things; and say, that though they had contracted a debt to the Scots of 220,000/. and had granted six subsidies, and a bill of poll-money worth six subsidies more, yet that God had so blessed the endeav- ours of this Parliament, that the kingdom was a gainer by it: and then follows the catalogue of those good things they had done for the King and kingdom. For the kingdom they had done (they said) these things: they had abolished ship-money *which cost the kingdom 200 thousand pounds a year*; they had taken away coat and conduct money, and other military charges, which, they said, amounted to little less than the ship-money; that they suppressed all monopo- lies, which they reckoned above a million yearly saved by the subject; that they had quelled living grievances, mean- ing evil counsellors and actors, by the death of my Lord of Strafford, by the flight of Chancellor Finch, and of Secre- tary Windebank, by the imprisonment of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and of Judge Bartlet, and the impeachment of other bishops and judges; that they had passed a bill for a triennial Parliament, and another for the continuance of the present Parliament, till they should think fit to dissolve themselves.
B. That is to say, for ever, if they be suffered. But the sum of all these things, which they had done for the kingdom, is: that they had left it without government, without strength, without money, without law, and without good counsel.
86 BEHEMO TH. Dialogue 2.
A. They reckoned, also, putting down of the High-Com- mission, and the abating of the power of the Council-table, and of the bishops and their courts; the taking away of unnecessary ceremonies in religion; removing of ministers from their livings, that were not of their faction, and putting in *their places* such as were.
B. All this was but their own, and not the kingdom's business.
A. The good they had done the King, was first (they said) the giving of 25,000/. a month for the relief of the northern counties.
B. What need of relief had the northern, more than the rest of the counties of England?
A. Yes, in the northern counties were quartered the Scotch army which the Parliament called in to oppose the King, and consequently their quarter was to be discharged.
B. True; but by the Parliament that called them in.
A. But they say no; and that this money was given to the King, because he was bound to protect his subjects.
B. He is no further bound to that, than they give him money wherewithal to do it. This is very great impudence; to raise an army against the King, and with that army to oppress their fellow-subjects, and then require that the King should relieve them, that is to say, be at the charge of paying the army that was raised to fight against him.
A. Nay, further; they put to the King's account the 300,000/. given to the Scots, without which they would not have invaded England; besides many other things, that I now remember not.
B. I did not think there had been so great impudence and villainy in mankind.
A. You have not observed the world long enough to see all that's ill. Such was their remonstrance, as I have told you. With it they sent a petition, containing three points: 1. That his Majesty would deprive the bishops of their votes in Parliament, and remove such oppressions in Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 87 religion, church-government, and discipline, as they had brought in; 2. That he would remove from his council all such as should promote the people's grievances, and em- ploy in his great and public affairs, such *persons* as the Parliament should confide in; 3. That he would not give away the lands escheated to the Crown by the rebellion in Ireland.
B. This last point, methinks, was not wisely put in at this time: it should have been reserved till they had sub- dued the rebels, against whom there were yet no forces sent over. 'Tis like selling the lion's skin before they had killed him. But what answer was made to the other two pro- positions?
A. What answer should be made, but a denial? About the same time the King himself exhibited articles against six persons of the Parliament, five whereof were of the House of Commons and one of the House of Lords, accusing them of high-treason; and upon the 4th of January, went himself to the House of Commons to demand those five of them. But private notice having been given by some treacherous person about the King, they had absented themselves; and by that means frustrated his Majesty's intention. And after he was gone, the House making a heinous matter of it, and a high breach of their privileges, adjourned themselves into London, there to sit as a general committee, pretending they were not safe at Westminster: for the King, when he went to the House to demand those persons, had somewhat more attendance with him (but not otherwise armed than his servants used to be) than he ordinarily had. And would not be pacified, though the King did afterwards waive the prosecution of those persons, unless he would also discover to them those that gave him counsel to go in that manner to the Parliament House, to the end they might receive condign punishment; which was the word they used instead of cruelty.
B. This was a harsh demand. Was it not enough that the King should forbear his enemies, but that he must also 88 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
betray his friends? If they thus tyrannize over the King before they have gotten the sovereign power into their hands, how will they tyrannize over their fellow-subjects when they have gotten it?
A. So as they did.
B. How long stayed that committee in London?
A. Not above two or three days; and then were brought from London to the Parliament House by water in great triumph, guarded with a tumultuous number of armed men, there to sit in security in despite of the King, and make traitorous acts against him, such and as many as they listed; and under favour of these tumults, to frighten away from the House of Peers all such as were not of their faction. For at this time the rabble *of people* were so insolent, that scarce any of the bishops durst go to the House for fear of violence upon their persons; in so much as twelve of them excused themselves of coming thither, and by way of petition to the King, remonstrated that they were not per- mitted to go quietly to the performance of that duty, and protesting against all determinations, as of none effect, that should pass in the Houseof Lordsduring theirforced absence. Which the House of Commons taking hold of, sent to the Peers one of their members, to accuse them of high-treason. Whereupon ten of them were sent to the Tower; after which time there were no more words of their high-treason; but there passed a bill, by which they were deprived of their votes in Parliament; and to this bill they got the King's assent. And, in the beginning of September after, they voted that the bishops should have no more to do in the government of the Church; but to this they had not the King's assent, the war being now begun.
B. What made the Parliament so averse to episcopacy; and especially the House of Lords, whereof the bishops were members? For I see no reason why they should do it to gratify a number of poor parish priests that were Pres- byterians, and that were never likely any way to serve the Lords; but, on the contrary, to do their best to pull Dialogues. BEHEMOTH. 89 down their power, and subject them to their synods and classes.
A. For the Lords, very few of them did perceive the intentions of the Presbyterians; and, besides that, they durst not (I believe) oppose the Lower House.
B. But why were the Lower House so earnest against them?
A. Because they meant to make use of their tenets, and with pretended sanctity to make the King and his party odious to the people, by whose help they were to set up democracy, and depose the King, or to let him have the title only so long as he should act for their purposes. But not only the Parliament, but in a manner all the people of England, were their enemies, upon the account of their be- haviour, as being (they said) too imperious. *[For indeed the most of them so carried themselves, as if they owed their greatness not to the King's favour and to his letters patent, which gives them their authority, but to the merit of their (own?) conceived (wit and?) learning (and had?) no less care of the praises of each other, than they showed irrita- bility to defend the dignity of their jurisdiction and of their office, being ever highly offended with those that dissented from their spirit or their ideas; (and consequently?)...they were reputed a little too diligent in making the best of themselves.]* This was all that was colourably laid to their charge. The main cause of pulling them down, was the envy of the Presbyterians, that incensed the people against them, and against episcopacy itself.
B. How would the Presbyterians have the Church to be governed?
A. By national and provincial synods.
B. Is not this to make the national assembly an arch- bishop, and the provincial assemblies so many bishops?
A. Yes; but every minister shall have the delight of sharing in. the government, and consequently of being able to be revenged on those that do not admire their learning and help to fill their purses, and win to their service those that do.
go BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
B. It is a hard case, that there should be two factions to trouble the commonwealth, without any interest in it of their own, other than every particular man may have; and that their quarrel should be only about opinions, that is, about who has the most learning; as if their learning ought to be the rule of governing all the world. What is it they are learned in? Is it politics and rules of state? I know, it is called divinity; but I hear almost nothing preached but matter of philosophy. For religion in itself admits no controversy. It is a law of the kingdom, and ought not to be disputed. I do not think they pretend to speak with God and know his will by any other way than reading the Scriptures, which we also do.
A. Yes, some of them do, and give themselves out for prophets by extraordinary inspiration. But the rest pretend only (for their advancement to benefices and charge of souls) a greater skill in the Scriptures than other men have, by reason of their breeding in the Universities, and know- ledge there gotten of the Latin tongue, and some also of the Greek and Hebrew tongues, wherein the Scripture was written; besides their knowledge of natural philosophy, which is there publicly taught.
B. As for the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues, it was once (to the detection of Roman fraud, and to the ejection of the Romish power) very profitable, or rather necessary; but now that is done, and we have the Scripture in English, and preaching in English, I see no great need of Greek, Latin, and Hebrew. I should think myself better qualified by understanding well the languages of our neighbours, French, Dutch, and Spanish. — I think it was never seen in the world, before the power of popes was set up, that philo- sophy was much conducing to power in a commonwealth.
B. But philosophy, together with divinity, have very much conduced to the advancement of the professors thereof to places of greatest authority, next to the authority of kings themselves, in most of the ancient kingdoms of the world; as is manifestly to be seen in the history of those times.
Dialogue 2. BEHEMOTH. 91 B. I pray you cite me some of the authors and places.
A. First, what were the Druids of old time in Britanny and France? What authority these had you may see in Caesar, Strabo, and others, and especially in Diodorus Siculus, the greatest antiquary perhaps that ever was; who speaking of the Druids (whom he calls Sarovides) in France, says thus: — " There be also amongst them certain philosophers and theologians, that are exceedingly honoured, whom they also use as prophets. Tliese men, by their skill in augury and inspection into t/ie bowels of beasts sacrificed, foretell what is to come, and have the multitude obedient to them." And a little after — " It is a custom amongst them, that no man may sacrifice without a philosopher; because (say they) men ought not to present their thanks to the Gods, but by them that know the divine nature, and are as it were of the same language with them; and that all good things ought by such as these to be prayed for."
B. I can hardly believe that those Druids were very skilful, either in natural philosophy, or moral.
A. Nor I; for they held and taught the transmigration of souls from one body to another, as did Pythagoras; which opinion whether they took from him, or he from them, I cannot tell.
What were the Magi in Persia, but philosophers and astrologers? You know how they came to find our Saviour by the conduct of a star, either from Persia itself, or from some country more eastward than Judea. Were not these in great authority in their country? And are they not in most parts of Christendom thought to have been Kings?
Egypt hath been by many thought the most ancient kingdom, and nation of the world; and their priests had the greatest power in civil affairs, that any subjects ever had in any nation. And what were they but philosophers and divines? Concerning whom, the same Diodorus Siculus says thus: " The whole country (of.Egypt) being divided into three parts, the body of the priests have one- as being of most credit with the people, both for their devotion towards the 92 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
Gods, and also for their understanding gotten by education "; and presently after, " For generally these men, in the greatest affairs of all, are the King's counsellors, partly executing, and partly informing and advising him; foretelling him also (by their skill in astrology and art in the inspection of sacrifices') the things that are to come, and reading to him out of their holy books such of the actions there recorded, as are profitable for him to know. It is not there as in Greece, one man or one woman that has the priesthood; but they are many that attend the honours and sacrifices of the Gods, and leave the same employment to their posterity, which, next to the King, have the greatest power and authority" Concerning the judicature amongst the Egyptians, he saith thus: " From out of the most eminent cities, Hieropolis, Thebes, and Memphis, they choose judges, which are a council not inferior to that of Areopagus in Athens, or that of the senate in Lacedcemon. When they are met, being in number thirty, they choose one from amongst themselves to be chief- justice, and the city whereof he is, sendeth another in his place. This chief-justice wore about his neck, hung in a gold chain, a jewel of precious stones, the name of which jewel was truth; which, when the chief -justice had put on, then began the plead- ing, &°c.; and when the judges had agreed on the sentence, then did the chief-justice put this jnvel of truth to one of the pleas.' 1 '' You see now what power was acquired in civil matters by the conjuncture of philosophy and divinity. 1 Let us come now to the commonwealth of the Jews. Was not the priesthood in a family (namely, the Levites) as well as the priesthood of Egypt? Did not the high-priest give judgment by the breastplate of Urim and Thummim? Look upon the kingdom of Assyria, and the philosophers called Chaldeans. Had they not lands and cities belonging to their family, even in Abraham's time, who dwelt (you know) in Ur of the Chaldeans? Of these the same author 1 B. Was this kind of government and judicature in Egypt used in the time that [Jews] Moses lived there?
A. [Yes.] I know not. This question and answer have been erased in the MS. by H. 's own hand.
Dialogue z. BEHEMOTH. 93 says thus: " The Chaldeans are a sect in politics, like to that of the Egyptian priests; for being ordained for the service of the Gods, they spend the whole time of their life in philo- sophy; being of exceeding great reputation in astrology, and pretending much also to prophecy, foretelling things to come by purifications and sacrifices, and to find out by certain incan- tations the preventing of harm, and the bringing to pass of good. They have also skill in augury, and in the interpreta- tion of dreams and wonders, nor are they unskilful in the art of foretelling by the inwards of beasts sacrificed; and have their learning not as the Greeks; for the philosophy of the Chaldeans goes to their family by tradition, and the son receives it from his father."
From Assyria let us pass into India, and see what esteem the philosophers had there. " The whole multitude" (says Diodorus) "of the Indians, is divided into seven parts; whereof the first, is the body of philosophers; for number the least, for eminence the first; for they are free from taxes, and as they are not masters of others, so are no others masters of them. By private men they are called to the sacrifices and to the care of burials of the dead, as being thought most beloved of the Gods and skilful in the doctrine concerning hell; and for this employment receive gifts and honours very considerable. They are also of great use to the people of India; for being taken at the beginning of the year into the great assembly, they foretell them of great drouths, great rains, also of winds, and of sick- ness, and of whatsoever is profitable for them to know before- hand."
The same author, concerning the laws of the Ethiopians, saith thus: " The laws of the ^Ethiopians seem very different from those of other nations, and especially about the election of their Kings. For the priests propound some of the chief men amongst them, named in a catalogue, and whom the God (which, according to a certain custom, is carried about to f east- ings) does accept of; him the multitude elect for their King, and presently adore and honour him as a God, put into the government by divine proindence. The King being chosen, he 94 BEHEMOTH. Dialogue 2.
has the manner of his life limited to him by the laws, and does all other things according to the custom of the country, neither rewarding nor punishing any man otherwise than from the beginning is established amongst them by law. Nor use they to put any man to death, though he be condemned to it, but to send some officer to him with a token of death; who seeing the token, goes presently to his house, and kills himself." And presently after: "But the strangest thing of all is, that which they do concerning the death of their Kings. For the priests that live in Meroe, and spend their time about the wor- ship and honour of their Gods, and are in greatest authority; when they have a mind to it, send a messenger to the King to bid him die, for that the Gods have given such order, and that the commandments of the immortals are not by any means to be neglected by those that are, by nature, mortal; using also other speeches to him, which men of simple judgment, and that have not reason enough to dispute against those unnecessary commands, as being educated in an old and indelible custom, are content to admit of. Therefore informer times the Kings did obey the priests, not as mastered by force and arms, but as having their reason mastered by superstition. But in the time of Ptolemy II., Ergamenes, King of the ^Ethiopians, having had his breeding in philosophy after the manner of the Greeks, being the first that durst despise their power, took heart as