Deutsche Philosophie und Politik
- Sprache:
- Englisch
- Status:
- Vollständiges Werk
- Autorschaft:
- Vom Autor verfasst
- Zustand des Textes:
- Kein Scanrauschen festgestellt (automatische Messung über den ganzen Text, nicht von Hand geprüft)
- Umfang:
- ~27.400 Wörter · 130 Passagen
Dieses Werk zitieren
- APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). German philosophy and politics [Deutsche Philosophie und Politik]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/de/works/john-dewey/german-philosophy-and-politics
- MLAJohn Dewey. German philosophy and politics [Deutsche Philosophie und Politik]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/de/works/john-dewey/german-philosophy-and-politics.
- ChicagoJohn Dewey. German philosophy and politics [Deutsche Philosophie und Politik]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/de/works/john-dewey/german-philosophy-and-politics.
Angabe der Ausgabe, die SigPhi wiedergibt: SigPhi ist ihre digitale Reproduktion, nicht der Verlag. Das Erscheinungsjahr steht nicht in den Metadaten (daher „n.d.“), und der Übersetzer erscheint nur, wenn er verzeichnet ist.
Wovon es handelt
German Philosophy and Politics (1915): Vorträge darüber, ob Kant und Hegel etwas mit dem Krieg zu tun haben.
Kontext und Geschichte
Mitten im Ersten Weltkrieg geschrieben, und man sollte es in diesem Wissen lesen: ein Philosoph aus einem Land, das in den Krieg eintritt, erklärt das Denken des Feindes. Er ist 1942 mit einem neuen Vorwort darauf zurückgekommen. Es zählt als Dokument darüber, wie man Philosophie im Krieg benutzt, und als Warnung.
Redaktioneller Kontext, keine zitierfähige Quelle: anders als die Passagen des Werks lassen sich diese Angaben nicht am Korpus überprüfen.
all, men take the particular general ideas which happen to affect their own conduct of life as normal and inevitable. Pray what other ideas would any sensible man have? They forget the extent to which these ideas originated as parts of a remote and technical theoretical system, which by multitudes of non-reflective channels has infiltrated into their habits of imagination and behavior. An expert intellectual anatomist, my friends, might dissect you and find Platonic and Aristotelian tissues, organs from St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, Locke and Descartes, in the make-up of the ideas by which you are habitually swayed, and find, indeed, that they and other thinkers of whose names you have never heard constitute a larger part of your mental structure than does the Calvin or Kant, Darwin or Spencer, Hegel or Emerson, Bergson or Browning to whom you yield conscious allegiance. Philosophers themselves are naturally chiefly responsible for the ordinary estimate of their own influence, or lack of influence. They have been taken mostly at their own word as to what they were doing, and what for the most part they have pretended to do is radically different from what they have actually done. They are quite negligible as seers and reporters of ultimate reality, or the essential natures of things. And it is in this aspect that they have mostly fancied seeing themselves. Their actual office has been quite other. They have told about nature and life and society in terms of collective human desire and aspiration as these were determined by contemporary difficulties and struggles. I have spoken thus far as if the influence of general ideas upon action were likely to be beneficial. It goes against the grain to attribute evil to the workings of intelligence. But we might as well face the dilemma. What is called pure thought, thought freed from the empirical contingencies of life, would, even if it existed, be irrelevant to the guidance of action.…