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Feuerbach: las raíces de la filosofía socialista

Friedrich Engels

Idioma:
inglés
Estado:
Obra completa
Autoría:
Escrita por el autor
Estado del texto:
Sin ruido de escaneo detectado (medición automática sobre todo el texto, no revisada a mano)
Extensión:
~25.100 palabras · 119 pasajes
Cita esta obra
  • APAFriedrich Engels. (n.d.). Feuerbach The roots of the socialist philosophy [Feuerbach: las raíces de la filosofía socialista]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/es/works/friedrich-engels/feuerbach-the-roots-of-the-socialist-philosophy
  • MLAFriedrich Engels. Feuerbach The roots of the socialist philosophy [Feuerbach: las raíces de la filosofía socialista]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/es/works/friedrich-engels/feuerbach-the-roots-of-the-socialist-philosophy.
  • ChicagoFriedrich Engels. Feuerbach The roots of the socialist philosophy [Feuerbach: las raíces de la filosofía socialista]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/es/works/friedrich-engels/feuerbach-the-roots-of-the-socialist-philosophy.

Referencia de la edición que reproduce SigPhi: SigPhi es su reproducción digital, no el editor. El año de la edición no consta en los metadatos (por eso «n.d.») y el traductor solo aparece cuando consta.

De qué trata

Ludwig Feuerbach y el fin de la filosofía clásica alemana (1886).

Contexto e historia

Engels, ya mayor, explica de dónde venían él y Marx: de Hegel, pasando por Feuerbach, y poniendo a los dos del revés. Es el texto que fija la fórmula del materialismo dialéctico, con todo lo que vino después de ella. Es una traducción inglesa. El original alemán de Engels no está en el catálogo.

Contexto editorial, no una fuente citable: a diferencia de los pasajes de la obra, estos datos no se pueden comprobar contra el corpus.

Cómo empieza
Just as in France in the eighteenth, so in Germany in the nineteenth century, revolutionary philosophic conceptions introduced a breaking up of existing political conditions. But how different the two appear! The French were engaged in open fight with all recognized science, with the Church, frequently also with the State, their writings were published beyond the frontiers in Holland or in England, and they themselves were frequently imprisoned in the Bastile. The Germans, on the contrary, were professors, appointed instructors of youth by the State, their writings, recognized text-books, and their definite system of universal progress, the Hegelian, raised, as it were, to the rank of a royal Prussian philosophy of government. And behind these professors, behind their pedantically obscure utterances, in their heavy wearisome periods, was it possible that the revolution could conceal itself? Were not just the people who were looked upon at that time as the leaders of the revolution, the Liberals, the bitterest opponents of the brain-turning philosophy? But what neither the Governmentalists nor the Liberals saw, that saw, at least one man, and that man was Heinrich Heine. Let us take an example. No philosophic statement has so invited the thanks of narrow-minded governments and the anger of the equally narrow

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