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Las posibilidades sociales de la guerra

John Dewey

Idioma:
inglés
Estado:
Obra completa
Autoría:
Escrita por el autor
Estado del texto:
Sin ruido de escaneo detectado (medición automática sobre todo el texto, no revisada a mano)
Extensión:
~4000 palabras · 19 pasajes
Cita esta obra
  • APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). The Social Possibilities of War [Las posibilidades sociales de la guerra]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/es/works/john-dewey/the-social-possibilities-of-war
  • MLAJohn Dewey. The Social Possibilities of War [Las posibilidades sociales de la guerra]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/es/works/john-dewey/the-social-possibilities-of-war.
  • ChicagoJohn Dewey. The Social Possibilities of War [Las posibilidades sociales de la guerra]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/es/works/john-dewey/the-social-possibilities-of-war.

Referencia de la edición que reproduce SigPhi: SigPhi es su reproducción digital, no el editor. El año de la edición no consta en los metadatos (por eso «n.d.») y el traductor solo aparece cuando consta.

De qué trata

Las posibilidades sociales de la guerra: un ensayo breve sobre si la organización colectiva que exige una guerra podría servir para la paz.

Contexto e historia

Diecinueve fragmentos. Es una pieza de circunstancias y conviene leerla con su fecha delante: Dewey apoyó la entrada de Estados Unidos en la Primera Guerra Mundial y después se arrepintió públicamente. Randolph Bourne, alumno suyo, se lo echó en cara en un ensayo célebre.

Contexto editorial, no una fuente citable: a diferencia de los pasajes de la obra, estos datos no se pueden comprobar contra el corpus.

Cómo empieza
in range, depth and complexity, but even more in the fact that they have simply accelerated a movement which was already proceeding apace. The immediate urgency has in a short time brought into existence agencies for executing the supremacy of the public and social interest over the private and possessive interest which might otherwise have taken a long time to construct. In this sense, no matter how many among the special agencies for public control decay with the disappearance of war stress, the movement will never go backward. Peoples who have learned that billions are available for public needs when the occasion presses will not forget the lesson, and having seen that portions of these billions are necessarily diverted into physical training, industrial education, better housing, and the setting up of agencies for securing a public service and function from private industries will ask why in the future the main stream should not be directed in the same channels. In short, we shall have a better organized world internally as well as externally, a more integrated, less anarchic, system. Partisans are attempting to locate the blame for the breakdown in the distribution of fuel and the partial breakdown in food supplies upon mere inefficiency in governmental officials. But whatever the truth in special cases, such accusations, it is clear that the casual force lies deeper. Fundamental industries have been carried on for years and years on a social basis; for public service indeed, but for public service under such conditions of private restriction as would render the maximum of personal profit. Our large failures are merely exhibitions of the anarchy and confusion entailed by any such principle of conducting affairs. When profit may arise from setting up division and conflict, it is hopeless to expect unity.…

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