Le public et ses problèmes
- Langue:
- anglais
- État:
- Œuvre complète
- Paternité:
- Écrite par l'auteur
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- Aucun bruit de numérisation détecté (mesure automatique sur tout le texte, non vérifiée à la main)
- Étendue:
- ~60 000 mots · 285 passages
Citer cette œuvre
- APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). The public and its problems [Le public et ses problèmes]. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems
- MLAJohn Dewey. The public and its problems [Le public et ses problèmes]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.
- ChicagoJohn Dewey. The public and its problems [Le public et ses problèmes]. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.
Référence de l'édition que reproduit SigPhi : SigPhi en est la reproduction numérique, pas l'éditeur. L'année de l'édition ne figure pas dans les métadonnées (d'où « n.d. ») et le traducteur n'apparaît que lorsqu'il est connu.
De quoi il s'agit
Le Public et ses problèmes (1927) : la réponse de Dewey à ceux qui disaient la démocratie impossible parce que les citoyens n'en savent pas assez.
Contexte et histoire
Sa discussion avec Walter Lippmann, et l'ouvrage de théorie politique le plus important qu'il ait écrit. Sa réponse — que le public n'existe pas par nature mais doit être constitué, et que c'est ce que fait la communication — est plus discutée aujourd'hui que jamais.
Contexte éditorial, non une source citable : contrairement aux passages de l'œuvre, ces données ne peuvent pas être vérifiées dans le corpus.
on one hand and uncontrolled speculation on the other. The choice is between blind, unreasoned attack and defense on the one hand, and discriminating criticism employing intelligent method and a conscious criterion on the other. The prestige of the mathematical and physical sciences is great, and properly so. But the difference between facts which are what they are independent of human desire and endeavor and facts which are to some extent what they are because of human interest and purpose, and which alter with alteration in the latter, cannot be got rid of by any methodology. The more sincerely we appeal to facts, the greater is the importance of the distinction between facts which condition human activity and facts which are conditioned by human activity. In the degree which we ignore this difference, social science becomes pseudo-science. Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian political ideas are not merely theories dwelling in the human mind remote from facts of American political behavior. They are expressions of chosen phases and factors among those facts, but they are also something more: namely, forces which have shaped those facts and which are still contending to shape them in the future this way and that. There is more than a speculative difference between a theory of the state which regards it as an instrument in protecting individuals in the rights they already have, and one which conceives its function to be the effecting of a more equitable distribution of rights among individuals. For the theories are held and applied by legislators in congress and by judges on the bench and make a difference in the subsequent facts themselves. I make no doubt that the practical influence of the political philosophies of Aristotle, the Stoics, St. Thomas, Locke, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel has often been exaggerated in comparison with the influence of circumstances.…