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Considerations on Representative Government

John Stuart Mill

Langue:
anglais
État:
Œuvre complète
Paternité:
Écrite par l'auteur
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Étendue:
~100 000 mots · 482 passages
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  • APAJohn Stuart Mill. (n.d.). Considerations on Representative Government. SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-stuart-mill/considerations-on-representative-government
  • MLAJohn Stuart Mill. "Considerations on Representative Government." SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-stuart-mill/considerations-on-representative-government.
  • ChicagoJohn Stuart Mill. Considerations on Representative Government. SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-stuart-mill/considerations-on-representative-government.

De quoi il s'agit

Le livre de 1861 où Mill expose comment devrait fonctionner une démocratie pour ne pas finir en tyrannie de la majorité.

Contexte et histoire

Il soutient que la meilleure forme de gouvernement est la représentative, puis consacre le livre à dire pourquoi il ne suffit pas d'élire. Ses problèmes sont les nôtres : comment empêcher la majorité d'imposer ses intérêts aux minorités, comment obtenir que le parlement contrôle l'exécutif sans prétendre administrer lui-même, comment faire voter des gens informés. Certaines propositions ont vieilli, d'autres non : il défend la représentation proportionnelle de Hare, l'extension du vote aux femmes — en 1861 — et en même temps le vote plural selon l'instruction, qu'on lit aujourd'hui avec malaise. Sa page la plus citée est celle qui soutient qu'un gouvernement vaut ce qu'il fait de ses citoyens, et qu'un peuple non exercé à gouverner n'apprendra jamais.

Contexte éditorial, non une source citable : contrairement aux passages de l'œuvre, ces données ne peuvent pas être vérifiées dans le corpus.

Comment cela commence
Author Of "A System Of Logic, Ratiocinative And Inductive" [Redactor's note: Italics are indicated by underscores surrounding the _italicized text_.] [Footnotes initially found throughout the text have been numbered and placed at the end of the text.] Preface Those who have done me the honor of reading my previous writings will probably receive no strong impression of novelty from the present volume; for the principles are those to which I have been working up during the greater part of my life, and most of the practical suggestions have been anticipated by others or by myself. There is novelty, however, in the fact of bringing them together, and exhibiting them in their connection, and also, I believe, in much that is brought forward in their support. Several of the opinions at all events, if not new, are for the present as little likely to meet with general acceptance as if they were. It seems to me, however, from various indications, and from none more than the recent debates on Reform of Parliament, that both Conservatives and Liberals (if I may continue to call them what they still call themselves) have lost confidence in the political creeds which they nominally profess, while neither side appears to have made any progress in providing itself with a better. Yet such a better doctrine must be possible; not a mere compromise, by splitting the difference between the two, but something wider than either, which, in virtue of its superior comprehensiveness, might be adopted by either Liberal or Conservative without renouncing any thing which he really feels to be valuable in his own creed. When so many feel obscurely the want of such a doctrine, and so few even flatter themselves that they have attained it, any one may without presumption, offer what his own thoughts, and the best that he knows of those of others, are able to contribute towards its formation.…

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