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Discours en faveur de la peine de mort

John Stuart Mill

Langue:
anglais
État:
Œuvre complète
Paternité:
Écrite par l'auteur
État du texte:
Texte propre
Étendue:
~3 790 mots · 18 passages
Citer cette œuvre
  • APAJohn Stuart Mill. (n.d.). Discours en faveur de la peine de mort. SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-stuart-mill/speech-in-favor-of-capital-punishment
  • MLAJohn Stuart Mill. "Discours en faveur de la peine de mort." SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-stuart-mill/speech-in-favor-of-capital-punishment.
  • ChicagoJohn Stuart Mill. Discours en faveur de la peine de mort. SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/fr/works/john-stuart-mill/speech-in-favor-of-capital-punishment.

De quoi il s'agit

Le discours de 1868 au Parlement pour le maintien de la peine de mort en cas de meurtre.

Contexte et histoire

Dix-huit fragments, et le texte de Mill qui surprend le plus qui le connaît par De la liberté. L'argument est que la prison à perpétuité est **plus cruelle** qu'une mort rapide, et que l'abolition dégraderait le prix que la société attache à la vie. Cela se lit mieux en sachant qu'il a perdu le vote.

Contexte éditorial, non une source citable : contrairement aux passages de l'œuvre, ces données ne peuvent pas être vérifiées dans le corpus.

Comment cela commence
It would be a great satisfaction to me if I were able to support this Motion. It is always a matter of regret to me to find myself, on a public question, opposed to those who are called—sometimes in the way of honour, and sometimes in what is intended for ridicule—the philanthropists. Of all persons who take part in public affairs, they are those for whom, on the whole, I feel the greatest amount of respect; for their characteristic is, that they devote their time, their labour, and much of their money to objects purely public, with a less admixture of either personal or class selfishness, than any other class of politicians whatever. On almost all the great questions, scarcely any politicians are so steadily and almost uniformly to be found on the side of right; and they seldom err, but by an exaggerated application of some just and highly important principle. On the very subject that is now occupying us we all know what signal service they have rendered. It is through their efforts that our criminal laws—which within my memory hanged people for stealing in a dwelling house to the value of 40s.-laws by virtue of which rows of human beings might be seen suspended in front of Newgate by those who ascended or descended Ludgate Hill—have so greatly relaxed their most revolting and most impolitic ferocity, that aggravated murder is now practically the only crime which is punished with death by any of our lawful tribunals; and we are even now deliberating whether the extreme penalty should be retained in that solitary case. This vast gain, not only to humanity, but to the ends of penal justice, we owe to the philanthropists; and if they are mistaken, as I cannot but think they are, in the present instance, it is only in not perceiving the right time and place for stopping in a career hitherto so eminently beneficial. Sir, there is a point at which, I conceive, that career ought to stop.

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